against him, charging expressly, that it was the design of the French "to keep us dependent upon them, that we

than can be proved. A man always makes an awkward figure when he is justifying himself and his own actions, and I hope I shall be pardoned. It is easy to say, 'Il abonde trop dans son sens; il est vain et glorieux; il est plein de luimême; il ne voit que lui;' and other modest things of that sort, with which even your Malesherbes, your Turgots, and Neckers are sometimes sacrificed to very small intrigues.

"Your veterans in diplomacy and in affairs of state consider us as a kind of militia, and hold us, perhaps, as is natural, in some degree of contempt; but wise men know that militia sometimes gain victories over regular troops, even by departing from the rules. Soon after I had presented the memorial, I wrote to the Duc de la Vauguyon upon the subject of inviting or admitting, in concert, the Republic to accede to the alliance between France and America. The Duke transmitted that letter to the Count de Vergennes, which produced the offer to Congress from the King, to assist us in forming a connection with the Republic, and the instructions upon the subject, which I shall execute as soon as the French ambassador thinks proper. With him it now lies, and with him, thank God, I have hitherto preserved a perfectly good understanding, although I differed from him in opinion concerning the point of time to make the former proposition.

"The evacuation of the barrier towns has produced an important commentary upon the conversation I had with the Duke, and his opinion upon that occasion. How few weeks was it, after the publication of my memorial, that the Roman emperor made that memorable visit to Brussels, Ostend, Bruges, Antwerp, and all the considerable maritime towns in his provinces of Brabant and Flanders? How soon afterwards his memorable journeys to Holland and to Paris? Was not the American memorial full of matter for the Emperor's contemplation, when he was at Ostend, Antwerp, and Bruges? Was it not full of matter, calculated to stimulate him to hasten his negotiations with France concerning the abolition of the barrier towns? Was not the same matter equally calculated to stimulate France to finish such an agreement with him, as we have seen the evidence of in the actual evacuation of those towns? If this evacuation is an advantage to France and to America, as it undoubtedly is, by putting this Republic more in the power of France, and more out of a possibility of pursuing the system of Orange by joining England, and my memorial is supposed to have contributed any thing towards it, surely it was worth the while.

"The period since the fourth of May, 1781, has been thick sown with good events, all springing out of the American Revolution, and connected with the

might be obliged to accept such terms of peace as they should think would do for us."

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matter contained in my memorial. The memorial of M. Van Berckel; the proposition of the burgomasters of Amsterdam; their attack upon the Duke of Brunswick, and the battle of Doggerbank; the appointment of Señor del Campo to treat with Mr. Jay; the success of Colonel Laurens, in obtaining orders for the French fleet to go upon the coast of America; their victory over Graves, and the capture of Cornwallis; the Emperor's journey to his maritime towns, to Holland, and to Paris; his new regulations for encouraging the trade of his maritime towns; his demolition of the barrier fortifications; and his most liberal and sublime ecclesiastical reformation; and the King of Sweden's reproach to the King of England for continuing the war, in the very words of my memorial;-these traits are all subsequent to that memorial, and they are too sublime and decisive proofs of the prosperity and glory of the American cause to admit the belief that the memorial has done it any material harm. By comparing facts, and events, and dates, it is impossible not to believe that the memorial had some influence in producing some of them. When courts, princes, and nations have been long contemplating a great system of affairs, and their judgments begin to ripen, and they begin to see how things ought to go, and are going, a small publication, holding up these objects in a clear point of view, sometimes sets a vast machine in motion at once, like the springing of a mine. 'What a dust we raise!' said the fly upon the chariot wheel. It is impossible to prove that this whole letter is not a similar delusion to that of the fly. The councils of princes are enveloped in impenetrable secrecy. The true motives and causes which govern their actions, little or great, are carefully concealed. But I desire only that these events may be all combined together, and then, that an impartial judge may say, if he can, that that homely harmless memorial had no share in producing any part of this great complication of good.

CHAPTER XXXIV.

THE policy which dictated the recent resolution as to Dana, is seen to govern in Europe.

Franklin, being apprised by him of his commission to Russia, advised him to communicate it to Vergennes, and to take his opinion, whether it would be proper to disclose his powers to the court at St. Petersburg, and obtain their approval before he proceeded thither.

Vergennes informed Dana, "that he would run the risk of exposing his person and the dignity of the United States, if he assumed any character whatever in Russia, while the empress had not acknowledged the independence of the United States, and expected to act the part of mediatrix, which demanded the most perfect impartiality.” *

Dana, convinced that it was the policy of France not to render the United States "independent " by new allies, proceeded to Russia as a common traveller.

His instructions indicated it "as a leading and capital point, that the United States should be formally admitted as a party to the convention of maritime powers," and

*S. J. iii. 31.

directed him to communicate the general object of his mission to the resident envoy of France.

On arriving at St. Petersburg, he consulted that envoy, who evinced a decided repugnance to the disclosure of his objects or powers. As the fortunes of the United States rose, repeated applications were made to him for an introduction to the court. They were discouraged, until at last-tied down by his instructions, and convinced that, alone and unsustained, his reception would be refused-he apprised congress of his position, and of the necessity of douceurs to the Russian cabinet before a negotiation could be opened. Thus, by the complicated policy of France, America stood dumb before the nations of Europe.

This letter of Dana was referred to a committee, of which Madison was chairman. Hamilton saw the advantages, though remote, of opening a commerce with RUSSIA, provided a treaty could be formed on equal terms without bestowing presents. With this view, he moved that Dana "be informed that the treaties lately entered into for restoring peace, have caused such an alteration in the affairs of these states, as to have removed the primary object of his mission to the court of Russia— the acquisition of new supports to our independence. That with respect to a commercial treaty with Russia, they consider the benefits of it to this country in an extensive degree as rather remote, and have therefore little present inducement to enter into it besides a desire of cultivating the friendship of that court, and preserving a consistency with the disposition already manifested towards forming a connection therewith; and also of laying the foundation of a future intercourse, when the circumstances of the two countries may be more favourable to the same. That as experience will enable both nations to form a better judgment hereafter of the principles upon which that inter

course may be most advantageously couducted, congress would wish any treaty now formed to be of temporary duration and limited to a fixed period. That in this view, unless he shall have already formed engagements or made proposals from which he cannot easily recede, of a more indefinite and extensive nature before this reaches him, he be instructed to confine the duration of the proposed treaty of commerce to fifteen years, agreeable to the term limited in a similar treaty with Sweden, and to stipulate expressly that it should be subject to the revisal of congress, and that in all matters he insist upon exact reciprocity." As to the proposed douceur, "that he be informed, as by the confederation no persons holding offices under the United States are permitted to receive presents from foreign powers, so it is not consistent with the situation or policy of these states to adopt that practice in their transactions with other nations." After two divisions, one of which was on a modification of the prohibition of douceurs at the instance of Madison, so as to permit the payment of any that might have been stipulated, this motion failed.

On the following day, Madison proposed an instruction to decline making any propositions for a treaty with Russia unless Dana was pre-committed; and if so, to limit it to fifteen years, omitting the prohibition of presents. This was defeated, and a substitute offered by Elsworth, to limit the duration of any treaty then in progress to fifteen years, subject to revisal, passed unanimously.

The question of acceding to the armed neutrality had been raised in the course of this debate by Hamilton. He offered as an amendment this important declaratory resolution :

"That though congress approve the principles of the armed neutrality founded on the liberal basis of a maintenance of the rights of neutral nations and of the pri