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means, by which this came to be the case, has been urged by some, as precluding Great Britain from any well founded cause of complaint. Is this true; is it just ?

Is

It is of consequence to the individual, whether he is forced, or bribed into a foreign service; but it is of none to the country, to which he belongs. Here is a British frigate, with a complement of two hundred men. not this frigate as positively incapacitated for duty, if we get fifty of those men, by offering them a bribe for desertion, as though we took them by force and against their consent? If there is a difference in the effect, it is beyond my comprehension.

Our naturalization law, our sham protections, and our high wages, it is notorious, deprived Great Britain of thousands of her seamen, and at a time when the privation was most severely felt. In peace, sailors are but a convenience to a nation; the instruments by which she increases her wealth. In war, they are essential; they are the means of self preservation, particularly to a country whose defence is her maritime strength.

lesting them, with the utmost caution; as
her language has been confirmed by surren-
dering them on application, when their citizen-
ship was proved, we are confident she will
still assent to the inviolability of real A-
mericans. But experience has taught her a
lesson. We have provoked her to return to
her fundamental law, on the subject of expat-
riation. Reciprocity is now the word. How
can our rulers refuse it? and if that be estab-
lished, England will be immensely benefited
by the arrangement.

dates for State officers. It is extremely to be regretted that the representations of these gentlemen will not have full credence at Washington. We most sincerely wish that our national rulers might be strongly impressed with a conviction, that Massachusetts was exactly in the political state there described.

Died in Scotland, aged about 89, Rev. Dr. John Ogilvie, distinguished by a life diligently devoted to the interests of literature and religion. The deceased was a faithful pastor and powerful preacher to the parish of Midmar, in GOVERNOUR STRONG is the federal candi-Aberdeen; a living with which he was predate for reelection. The grand question is, sented by the late Sir William Forbes, well shall we support an advocate for Peace and known in this country as the biographer of Commerce, or War and its calamities. Gov- Beattie, and in his own for his urbanity and beernour Strong, it is certain, and the commu- neficence. Dr. Ogilvie was the author of nity know it well, would desire the best terms many works, chiefly poetical; among which of accommodation that can be obtained. Mr. his "Providence" and "Judgment" have acDexter, if he is now in favour of war, must quired the most celebrity; and the paraphrase he has left us of the 148th Psalm, may be conhave adopted Mr. Madison's views; and must be disposed to continue the contest, until those sidered a model of that species of composition. He was the younger branch of the whole views are attained, or until we are totally disabled for further effort. No rational man family of Finlater, and left several children, of whom the eldest is Mr. James Ogilvie, whose believe the former will be realized are oratorical talents have attracted so much attenthen determined on the latter? If so, let us abandon Governour Strong; let us forget his tion in the United States. virtues and his life of publick service; let us shut up our stores; bid adieu to all profits from our farms, and hold up both hands for Mr. Dexter.

GENERAL REGISTER.

can

we

This vital injury to the interests, the most precious interests, of that nation, led to the cause of our complaint. Hard as the case might be, she consented, in conformity to the law and practice of nations, that, within our own jurisdiction, we should confer on her expatriated subjects, what gifts, what benefits we pleased. We might keep them forever; she did not reclaim them. But, in her own, or a common jurisdiction, she claimed, in part, her prior right. I say in part, and indeed it was very partially; for she admitted evidence of BOSTON, SATURDAY, FEB. 19, 1814. citizenship, conformable to our naturalization laws, to obviate her claim. This sacrifice she made, so very favourable to us, from a spirit of accommodation to our laws, but without relinquishing the principle of her right to her subjects, in the full extent, as maintained by other nations.

To meet so liberal a concession, our government agreed to furnish all our seamen, native or naturalized, with evidence of their citizenship. The means were easy, and we thus drew the line ourselves, contrary to the vulgar falsehood, that British officers were to determine the national character of our seamen. That was decided by our own collectors.

This regulation must have constantly produced a gradual drain of British seamen, had it even been observed in its utmost rigour. But In her loss was augmented by other means. many cases, protections were purchased in America, by those who had no right to them; and were not unfrequently sold, by our sailors abroad, who had obtained them regularly at home. Facts of this kind, without number, are so notorious, that we cannot deny them; and this abuse has been made the plea, by British cruisers, for the outrages they have committed, in some instances, on real American citizens, though without a colour of authority from their government.

Instead of attempting an improvement in the system, which should prevent any abuse, our government have thrown the whole subject on the issue of a war. England must be, at least, as ready to go back to the original merits of the case, as we can be. She is probably well satisfied that all former stipulations are done away. Since our rulers have made this a pretext for hostilities, she will feel absolved from all concessions.

As the right to impress American seamen was never claimed by Great Britain, but, on the contrary, her officers were positively commanded, before our war begun, to avoid mo

EUROPEAN. No further news, since last
Saturday.

DOMESTICK. General Floyd has obtain
ed further successes, in some recent skirmish-
es with the Creek Indians, He was attacked
by them, on the 27th of January, but routed
them, at the point of the bayonet; his loss 18
killed, 132 wounded, several mortally and
many, dangerously. The Indians left 37 dead
on the field.

On the 8th instant, General Wilkinson was with his army at French Mills. It is expected his force will be divided; a part sent to Sackett's Harbour, and the remainder to Plattsburg. Mr. Clay has arrived at New York, to embark for Gottenburg.

To correspondents.

"MISERRIMUS" to the Confidant is received; likewise a paper in favour of an Asylum in Boston for destitute boys; but too late for this number.

LITERARY AND MISCELLANEOUS.

FOR THE BOSTON SPECTATOR.

SELF-LOVE....BENEVOLENCE.

A dialogue between a Philanthropist and a Mandevillian. PHILANTHROPIST. What will you ascribe every action to the mere principle of self love? Is there no sentiment of true patriotism? No such thing, in any case, as disinterested benevolence ? Do our views wholly centre in self love, when we console the afflicted; when we relieve the distressed; when we pity the unfortunate; when we spontaneously rush to save the unknown sti anger from peril?

MANDEVILLIAN. Believe me, my friend, ev ery notion of tha kind is but a tribute to the vanity of our nature. The spring to all our actions is self interest. When we surrender any thing, which is of the least value to us, or give ourselves the least trouble, to confer a favour, it is to procure a greater benefit to ourCONGRESS. The Senate have confirmed selves, than we could enjoy, by omitting such the appointment of the Hon. George W. action. That conduct, however, which is imCampbell, as Secretary of the Treasury;puted to the imaginary virtues you first menRichard Rush, as Attorney General; and Aibert Gallatin, as fifth Commissioner to treat with Great Britain.

His Excellency CALEB STRONG and His Honour WILLIAM PHILLIPS, are proposed by the federalists of this state, for Governour and Lieutenant Governour. The Democrats have formally announced their intentions to support the Hon. SAMUEL DEXTER and the Hon. WILLIAM GRAY.

Nothing further has transpired since the arrival of the Ann Alexander from Liverpool, deserving any confidence. A rumour was received yesterday, from New York, that a preliminary stipulation had been entered into, between our ministers and Lord Walpole, which only required the sanction of our government, to stop the progress of war. This is not be. lieved, and cannot be true.

tioned, is necessary to the well-being of society. Observation will convince you that "all untaught animals are only solicitous of pleasing themselves, and naturally follow the bent of their own inclinations, without considering the good or harm, that, from their being pleased,

will accrue to others "*

PHILAN. That we follow the bent of our own inclinations is undoubtedly true. I am so far of the Edwardean school, as to believe that man always seeks what, all things considered, appears to him the greatest good. That he cannot act against the strongest motive, and that the greatest apparent good, in the nature of things, must always be the strongest. But cannot you imagine him so constituted, as that to produce good to others in certain cases may gratify him more, than to secure a smaller good exclusively for himself?

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MAND. Yes; and this is the secret of every action considered benevolent, patriotick, or This and all the following sentences, distinguish We have read the address of the democrat- ed by quotations are extracted literally from Mandeick committee, on the subject of their candi-ville's famous book "Private vices, publick benefits."

make so forcible an impression upon us, as to
make us uneasy.”

strange country. Having just passed a cot-
tage, to which I can never expect to return, I
see an infant, unconscious of his danger, ap-
proaching a rattlesnake, ready to spring upon
him. Should I pass on with indifference;
suffer the infant to be destroyed; or should I
not instantaneously, with a blow of my cane,
kill the serpent ?

compassionate. Men would make no sacrifi-
ces, they would never take the trouble of a
step to benefit others, if they were not to be PHILAN. "As to make us uneasy." In
indemnified, by some consequence proposed to that very expression I think I discover a plain
themselves. "The chief thing, therefore, concession of the benevolent principle, as the
which lawgivers, and other wise men, that real motive to the action. But since you will
have laboured for the establishment of society, suppose that every man, before he gives a
have endeavoured, has been to make the peo- shilling, reasons maturely on the subject, con-
ple they were to govern, believe, that it was templates a being to whom he is allied by re-
more beneficial for every body to conquer, than semblance, thinks perhaps that he himself
indulge his appetites; and much better to mind may possibly be exposed to want, and that then
the publick, than what seemed his private in- he may derive advantage from this sort of so-
terest. As this has always been a very difficult cial compact, I will take another case, where
task, so no wit or eloquence has been left un- your train of reflection cannot be supposed to
tried to compass it; and the moralists and phi-operate. I am travelling in haste, through a
losophers of all ages employed their utmost
skill to prove the truth of so useful an asser-
tion. But whether mankind would have ever
believed it or not; it is not likely that any
body would have persuaded them to disap-
prove of their natural inclinations, or prefer
the good of others to their own, if at the same
time, he had not shewed them an equivalent to
be enjoyed as a reward for the violence, which by
so doing, they of necessity must commit upon
themselves. Those who have undertaken to
civilize mankind, were not ignorant of this;
but being unable to give so many real rewards
as would satisfy all persons for every individu-
al action, they were forced to contrive an im
aginary one; and observing that none were so
savage as either not to be charmed with praise,
or so despicable as patiently to bear contempt,
justly concluded that flattery must be the most
powerful argument that could be used to hu-
man creatures They used every argument to
demonstrate how glorious was the conquest of
our natural impulses, and how scandalous not
to attempt it."

PHILAN. You may make your argument appear plausible, by thus dealing in general principles; because, in a thousand instances, constantly occurring, you can detect a selfish motive, where the action is professedly disinterested. There is no doubt that a very large proportion of those actions denominated patriotick, result from a desire of personal security, or honour, or recompense. It must be acknowledged that probably most of our charities proceed from ostentation, or the fear of disgrace, if we refuse. I am far from the opinion that our motives are always such as we wish them to appear. But it does not therefore follow, nor do I believe it, that no man ever takes the money from his pocket, and gives it to an apparently needy vagrant, without witness, without a thought of recompense, or the most distant expectation, that it will ever contribute to his reputation. What selfish indemnity has he, in this case, for the loss of his money, which we may always suppose he may use to his own advantage?

MAND. In the first place, I can suppose that he is influenced by the hope of a reward hereafter, from One who sees, when the right hand knoweth not what the left doeth.

PHILAN. That may often be the cause, and the motive is not to be disapproved. But if this be your only solution, it appears that before immortality was brought to light, no such act of secret charity could have ever occurred.

MAND. No; there is another cause, which has coexisted with man, and pervades the whole species. "This virtue, charity, is often counterfeited by a passion of ours, called Pity or Compassion, which consists in a fellow-feeling and condolence for the misfortunes and calamities of others: all mankind are more or less affected with it. It is raised in us, when the sufferings and misery of other creatures

MAND. I am ready to confess that in similar instances without number, we give relief, instantaneously, without a consciousness of any motive, but the internal satisfaction we derive from it. I could not go on, and leave this child exposed to danger, for the thought would give me pain-and the act of saving him gives me pleasure. From a disposition to shun pain and enjoy pleasure, both of which are wholly selfish, I secure the child.

PHILAN. You are now arrived at the point where I think, it may be clearly proved, that there is a benevolent principle in the soul, which prompts to action, where even your self love could not be brought into exercise, but for the prior existence and operation of the benevolent principle. You say this action is performed for sake of the pleasure you are to derive from it, or the pain you are to shun by it. I doubt whether any such logick crosses the mind, in such a case. But suppose it does. I insist, that you stop, just when it suits your purpose, and decline tracing the motive to its true origin. Whence arise this pleasure and pain, but from violating or gratifying the benevolent principle? Suppose me devoid of that, and how would the peril of an unknown infant give me pain? or in what respect could its relief give me pleasure? The child is nothing to me-it cannot even speak to thank me-no one sees me-I am going on to return no more. There is undoubtedly a pleasure to be derived from good actions, and it originates in my conformity to the constitution of my mind-in obeying a "natural impulse." To abandon the child to his fate would be painful, only because in doing so, I should combat an internal emotion, prompting me to rescue a helpless being from danger. How often do we see efforts of this kind so sudden, as to render it ridiculous to pretend, that the mind first contemplates the consequence, as it is to affect ourselves. Every feature of the countenance shews that we are engrossed by the immediate object-when it is executed, then the smile of self-complacency lights up the countenance.

GENEROSUS extremely happy, when he has fed the hungry. AVARUS, like all other human beings, seeks happiness, but will he imitate GENEROSUs? No; the supplicant is to him like a stock or a stone. Look at the tenour of his conduct, you will find him the slave of self; yet he will not act like GENEROSUS, and evidently for this reason alone; the latter obeyed an impulse, which the former never felt. What-self love? No, surely not, but benevolence. It is therefore, sometimes, the sine-qua-non motive to action.

The following answer to the first question, proposed in last Saturday's Spectator, has been handed to us by a gentleman, whose well known accuracy in philosophical speculations, as well as the plausibility of the speculation, induces us to conclude it is cor

rect.

"THE atmosphere is a fluid, pressing upon the whole surface of the wheel. When it is put in motion, the particles of air, in contact with the wheel will be thrown off from the periphery, as water is thrown from a grindstone, when its revolutions are rapid. As these particles are thrown off, by centrifugal force, they are supplied by others, pressing in, laterally, which are likewise projected, as they approach or touch the wheel. On the side of the wheel,where there is no resistance, this air will only make a revolving atmosphere; but between that part of the wheel, which is lowest, the air becoming compressed, between it and the ground, will react, from its elastick property, upon the wheel, and have a tendency to raise the upper axis, while the lower axis, from its inclination, will become a fulcrum. It is evident that the more rapidly the wheel is turned, the more the air, between the lower part of the wheel and the ground, will be compressed, and therefore the greater will be the pressure upwards.

:

A common top spins perpendicularly, on the same principle. When first set in motion, we see it has a tendency to fall but as the projecting part inclines to the floor, the elastick, compressed atmosphere around it, elevates it. As, to which ever side it varies, from a vertical position, it meets with resistance, it soon becomes perpendicular, and so remains, while the velocity is sufficient to throw off the particles of air forcibly, and no longer.” Late in the week, we received another answer; which, as it adopts a different mode of illustration, we shall insert in our next number, happy that the Spectator is promoting this kind of useful and pleasing speculation.

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LETTERS TO LEINWHA, Teacher of Morality in the Recesses of Latinguin, from a Wanderer in the West.

LETTER VI.

While our Creator has wisely made this benevolence an active principle in the human breast, he has kindly so constructed our minds, that to follow this propensity gives us a sensation of delight. If there were a pleasure in REJOICE with me, thou guide of my youth, such actions as I have mentioned, independent rejoice-I have escaped the pestilence of death of this principle, every person in similar cir-health is again restored, and the gates of cumstances, would conduct alike. The unfortunate would be every where equally well received, where there was an equal power of relieving; for all love pleasure. AVARUS sees

the city will this day be opened to the inhabitants. The priests will minister for the returning blessing, and the magistrates will feast in the halls. The greatest preparations are

now making to demonstrate their happiness by processions and illuminations. Every street resounds with the musick of gratulation, and every face is dressed with smiles. But their smiles are like the beams upon the clouds at evening, and their voices like harps which have been long forgotten; for the friend who has just gone is still remembered, and the fullness of their joy has yet some room for

sorrow.

The number of the dead has been ascertained with the greatest accuracy, but, according to the custom, cannot be divulged, lest the citizens should be overwhelmed with despair. For here, the dissolution of mortality is without consolation, and there is no terrour superiour to that of death. It is the doctrine of their greatest philosopher, that the soul is annihilated, when the body is decayed. No wonder then that the termination of life should excite in them such dread; and that the hour of annihilation should be inseparable from that of misery for the happiness of man subsists often by anticipation, and the enjoyment of hope is always in.reserve. Thanks to the God of our forefathers, it is not so with thee. The weary in this world shall repose in another, and bathe with his ancestors on brighter shores. There is no burthen, which this consolation cannot lighten; there is no sorrow, which it cannot soothe. It was thy hand, which first imprinted this principle on my heart, like a map, that might direct me to happiness; and it was by thy eloquence I became persuaded, that the Power, who balances the ocean and the earth with one hand, will distribute good with the other.

tendered his services again to his country. They
were accepted, and his choice of officers given him
from the navy. Here we begin the extract }

"UNREMITTING exertions were made to equip the ships which he had chosen, and especially to refit the Victory, which was once more to bear his flag. Before he left London, he called at his upholsterer's, where the coffin which captain Hallowell had given him, was deposited; and desired that its history might be engraven upon the lid, saying it was highly probable that he might want it, on his return. He seemed indeed to have been impressed with an expectation that he should fall in the battle. In a letter to his brother, written immediately after his return, he had said: "We "must not talk of Sir Robert Calder's battle-I "might not have done so much with my small "force. If I had fallen in with them, you might "probably have been a lord before I wished; "for I know they meant to make a dead set at "the Victory." Nelson had once regarded the prospect of death with gloomy satisfaction; it prospect of death with gloomy satisfaction; it was when he anticipated the upbraidings of his wife, and the displeasure of his venerable father. The state of his feelings now was expressed, in his private journal, in these words: "Friday night, (Sept 13) at half past « ten, I drove from dear, dear Merton; where I left all which I hold dear in this world, to "go to serve my king and country. May the "great God, whom I adore, enable me to ful"fil the expectations of my country! and if it "is his good pleasure that I should return, my "thanks will never cease being offered up to "the throne of his mercy. If it is his good "providence to cut short my days upon earth, I bow with the greatest submission; relying "that he will protect those who are dear to me, whom I may leave behind! His will be "done! Amen! Amen! Amen!"

When I witness the despondency of these people for the death of those they love, I remember thy joy at the funeral of thy Linderaxa. I see thee leaping across the body," which thou hadst decorated with flowers. Thy hands are often thrown into the air, calling on the gods to witness thy exultation; or wrapt in thy mat, listening with profound attention to those friends who come to salute thee for the seventh time. The torches in the hall are not extinguished, nor have the dancers ceased.

CLOSE OF LORD NELSON'S GLORI-
OUS LIFE.

[To commemorate deeds of valour and patriotism is
not only a tribute which the world owes to merit,
but it benefits society, by exciting a laudable ambi-

tion to imitate thein, and receive the meed of glory.

NELSON was an honour to his country and human

nature. His whole history awakes a lively interest, but most of all his dignified and gallant deportment in the event which closed his bright career of fame Several biographers have attempted to do him justice; but the glowing pen of Mr. Southey has recently produced a sketch of this extraordinary man, which though brief, gives us, undoubtedly, the best conception of his real character. I have chosen Nelson's last battle, as the most suitable specimen of the work for this Miscellany, and feel persuaded, as but a small proportion of my readers can have seen the book, that it will be generally acceptable, It is probably recollected that previous to the battle of Trafalgar, Lord Nelson had followed the French Admiral, Villeneuve, in his predatory cruise to the West Indies, in a pursuit so close as to defeat his purposes, and compel him to hasten back to Europe. On the 15th of August, 1805, he delivered up his squadron to Admiral Cornwallis, off Ushant, proceeded to England, and retired to his seat at Merton to enjoy a temporary repose. This, however, not suiting the state of his mind, he soon

the farewell of his countrymen at Portsmouth : the officers, who came on board to welcome him, forgot his rank as commander, in their joy at seeing him again. On the day of his arrival, Villeneuve received orders to put to sea the first opportunity. Villeneuve, however, hesitated, when he heard that Nelson had resumed the command. He called a council of war, and their determination was, that it would not be expedient to leave Cadiz, unless they had reason to believe themselves stronger by one third than the British force. In the publick measures of this country, secresy is seldom practicable, and seldom attempted: here, however, by the precautions of Nelson, and the wise measures of the admiralty, the enemy were, for once, kept in ignorance; for as the ships appointed to reinforce the Mediterranean fleet were despatched singly, each as soon as it was ready, their collected number was not stated in the newspapers, and their arrival was not known to the enemy. But the enemy knew that Admiral Louis, with six sail, had been detached for stores and water to Gibraltar. Accident also contributed to make the French admiral doubt whether Nelson himself had actually taken the command. An American lately arrived from England, maintained that it was impossible, for he had seen him only a few days before in London; and at that time, there was no rumour of his going again to sea.

The station which Nelson had chosen was some fifty or sixty miles to the west of Cadiz, near Cape St. Mary's. At this distance he hoped to decoy the enemy out, while he guarded against the danger of being caught, with a westerly wind, near Cadiz, and driven within the straits. The blockade of the port was rigorously enforced; in hopes that the combined fleet might be forced to sea by want. The Danish vessels, therefore, which were carrying provisEarly on the following morning he reached ions from the French ports in the bay, under Portsmouth; and having despatched his busi- the name of Danish property, to all the little ness on shore, endeavoured to elude the popu- ports from Ayamonte to Algeziras, from lace by taking a bye-way to the beach; but a whence they were conveyed in coasting boats crowd collected in his train, pressing forward, to Cadiz, were seized. Without this proper to obtain sight of his face. Many were in exertion of power, the blockade would have tears, and many knelt down before him, and been rendered nugatory, by the advantage blessed him as he passed. England has had thus taken of the neutral flag. The supplies many heroes; but never one who so entirely from France was thus effectually cut off. possessed the love of his fellow countrymen as There was now every indication that the eneNelson. All men knew that his heart was as my would speedily venture out officers and humane as it was fearless; and there was not men were in the highest spirits, at the prosin his nature, the slightest alloy of selfishness pect of giving them a decisive blow: such indevotion, he served his country with all his test upon the seas. or cupidity; but that with perfect and entire deed as would put an end to all further conTheatrical amusements heart, and with all his soul, and with all his were performed every evening in most of the strength; and therefore they loved him as tru- ships; and God save the King concluded the ly and as fervently as he loved England. They sports." I verily believe," said Nelson, (wripressed upon the parapet, to gaze after him ting on the 6th of October) " that the country when his barge pushed off, and he was re"will soon be put to some expense on my acturning their cheers by waving his hat. The "count; either a monument, or a new pension sentinels, who endeavoured to prevent them " and honours; for I have not the smallest from trespassing upon this ground, were " doubt but that a very few days, almost hours, wedged among the crowd; and an officer, "will put us in battle. The success no man who, not very prudently upon such an occa"can insure; but for the fighting them, if sion, ordered them to drive the people down" they can be got at, I pledge myself.-The with their bayonets, was compelled speedily to retreat; for the people would not be debarred from gazing till the last moment, upon the hero, the darling hero of England.

tember-his birth day. Fearing that if the
He arrived off Cadiz, on the 29th of Sep-
enemy knew his force, they might be deterred
from venturing to sea, he kept out of sight of
land, desired Collingwood to fire no salute,
and huist no colours; and wrote to Gibraltar,
to request that the force of the fleet might not
be inserted there in the Gazette. His reception
in the Mediterranean fleet was as gratifying as

"sooner the better: I don't like to have these "things upon my mind.”

To be continued.

PRINTED AND PUBLISHED FOR

JOHN PARK,

BY MUNROE & FRANCIS,

NO. 4 CORNHILL.
Price three dollars per annum, half in advance.
Subscribers may be supplied with the preceding
numbers.

DEVOTED TO POLITICKS AND BELLES LETTRES.

VOL. I.

POLITICAL.

FOR THE BOSTON SPECTATOR.

"But yesterday the word of Cæsar might
Have stood 'gainst all the world: now lies he here,
And none so poor to do him reverence."

THE vanity of human possessions, and the instability of power were never so clearly established, or so strikingly exemplified as in the case of the Emperour of France. The juvenile orator must cease hereafter to refer to the fall of Cardinal Wolsey; for what more natural, what more ordinary, than the sacrifice of an ambitious favourite by the jealousy or the caprice of his master?

The fate of Cæsar too was a common and vulgar case. A thousand princes have fallen by the hands of an assassin on the blood-stained thrones of Rome, Turkey, and Russia. Had Bonaparte been assassinated in any part of his cruel and unprincipled career, it would have excited no surprize.

Nor can the history of Charles XII. furnish us any parallel; because, so far from being astonished that he fell so soon, we are perpetually inquiring, as we read his history, by what strange fatality he escaped so long. We are not more surprized at his destruction, than if we had seen him plunge into a volcano.

I invite those, who are well instructed in history, to point us out a case of the fall of a great prince, a great general, an able statesman, whose power rested upon foundations apparently so stable.

The empire of Napoleon was formed of the durable materials of military discipline, the

affection of his officers and troops, the resources of nearly a world; they were cemented by the most unprincipled art, the deepest, and, generally, the wisest policy, and the most secret, but extensive corruption.

He had commanded in forty pitched battles, and commanded only to conquer. He had all the ardour of Alexander, with the experience of Cæsar.

That the events of the two last campaigns, and their consequences, were little short of miraculous, is better proved by the opinions of men before, than since they have taken place. The opposition in England, with the Edinburgh Reviewers at their head, and Sir Francis Burdett and Cobbett at the other extremity, were in full cry against the ministry for waging a hopeless, idle war against France.

In our country too, Bonaparte received his apotheosis, and was numbered among the gods. He was considered the peculiar favourite of Heaven. His mandates were our laws, though they imposed upon us self-destruction.

There did not exist a man in the world, who expected to see the fall of his power. Hope was extinguished; and all men looked forward, with breathless anxiety, to every new struggle, made by the oppressed nations of Europe.

These are the strongest proofs of the importance, as well as extraordinary nature of the late events.

What sort of balance (if any) can be re-established in Europe, now seems to be the most interesting question.

Whether any one can be formed, which will be as stable as the old one, is to be doubted.

BOSTON, SATURDAY, FEBRUARY 26, 1814.

It would be an event, as wonderful as the sudden destruction of the Empire of the West, to see the discordant materials, thrown lately into chaos by the earthquake which has convulsed Europe, suddenly assume a settled, regular, and solid form.

The old system of Europe was the fruit of an hundred wars and a thousand battles. It was guaranteed by a thousand jarring, yet concurring, or rather regulated interests. The Germanick confederacy was of six hundred years growth, and the authority of its head might be traced even to ancient

Rome.

Against the renewal of the old system and its future quiet, may be placed the old, deeprooted difficulties of ambition and jealousy.

Will Austria be content with her former power, and Russia be satisfied with the glory of having liberated Europe? Will the Emperour of Germany still be hampered with the dilatory proceedings of the States of the Empire? Will he submit still to the intrigues of the electoral college?

The Dutch have set an example of a new state of things. They have made the Prince of Orange the sovereign of their country, not its chief magistrate as before.

Will Saxony be permitted to exhibit new perfidy, and to sell Germany once more to France ?

What will become of the hereditary hatred of Bavaria to Austria ?

Will the Austrian Netherlands again receive an Austrian duke, as viceroy? Or will the Emperour annex it in full sovereignty to his empire; and take the advantage of the opening of the Scheldt to create a naval force, and infuse into his subjects a spirit of com

merce?

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Is it possible to defend that frontier against France, unless Holland and the Austrian Netherlands are united?

Can Piedmont ever be trusted to the feeble, weak, and enervated descendants of Victor Aniadeus?

What will become of Spain? Will they not quarrel with that beloved sovereign, under whose banners and in whose name, when absent, they are ready to fight?

These are only a few of the numerous questions, which crowd upon the mind in looking into futurity. Perhaps we may hereafter dis

cuss some of them, and mention some reasons

why, notwithstanding these serious difficulties, Europe may sit down in a state more quiet, than it has known for centuries.

FOR THE BOSTON SPECTATOR.
NO. II.

THE INTEGRITY OF THE UNITED STATES
MUST BE PRESERVED.

Ir is not every thing under the name of a constitution that forms a good government. A better constructed constitution, than that of the United States, may perhaps be easily conceived; but would a better be probably adopted, were the northern section under the necessity

NO. IX.

of framing a new one for themselves? There are many reasons to doubt it. I fear not to say, that the grand defect of our present system, is, that while it guarded, as effectually as parchment could, against the direct assumption of individual power, it left us exposed to all the evils of democracy. Of this we had no dread; our terrour was Monarchy, and Aristocracy. Now, if it be acknowledged that the southern section of the union is by far the most aristocratick, and yet that the federal constitution was carried with difficulty, on the ground that it was too much of a "monarchicoaristocratico" imitation of the British system, should we be likely, when withdrawn from the lordly nabobs of the south, to remedy the defect, in an attempt among ourselves?

I know of but one way ever to have a well balanced system of government, and that requires ages to bring it to perfection. We are surely not ready to take the first step. Heaven defend us from it. It is, that a Tyrant should begin,-a Military Despot,-by assuming all power. He will create governours, generals or prefects, as the instruments of his sway. Influential families are thus erected, and they, in time, combine against the despot's authority, actuated by their own ambition, to share his control over the multitude. A weak monarch will ford temptation to such cabal to demand a retrenchment of his prerogative, and his embarrassments will be improved to compel him to yield. A more sensible and energetick monarch will seek to neutralize the authority of his nobles, by giving consequence to the People; and thus arises a system, embracing at once energy, stability, and popular security. The nature of political power is, that, when it is enjoyed by an individual, it can be qualified by the many-but, when it is altogether possessed by the people, who or what can qualify it, without going through the dismal process of despotism? It is true, popular governments generally come to this, not by deliberate vote, but from the necessity that the worthless, corrupt, but aspiring, should have a patron. They choose a fool, or timid instrument; but chance gives a hero, with all his harmless predecessor's admitted prerogative. The hope of a better form of government than that of the federal constitution, therefore, would be a delusive motive for the establishment of

a northern, distinct empire. The people would, of course, determine its character. They would rely again on their virtue, and with an increased confidence, from their real or supposed superiority, in this respect, to their southern neighbours. This confidence in "steady habits" and "political morality" would produce a system, popular in the extreme; whether we should not have our Jeffersons, Madisons, and Munroes. may be inferred, from our long list, at present, of veteran demagogues, and the striking instances of political tergiversation, which we have witDessed among ourselves. No-were there no other consideration to affect our wishes, it would undoubtedly be better to pursue quietly, the downhill course, we have in part accomplished, than to go back, merely to travel it over again.

The distinct and clashing interests of the

northern and southern sections of the United States, have been mentioned as another reason, why we should be benefitted by a separation. The fallacy of this argument might be illustrated, by Menenius's fable of the dispute between the limbs and the stomach. Distinct interests we have, but related to each other by reciprocal necessity and utility. If the power of government, enjoyed now, exclusively, by the southern division, has been so abused as to produce evils, which we ought no longer to endure, (and we solemnly consider that our present situation) it does not prove, that, in the nature of things, our interests are so irreconcileable as to require distinct governments. The varieties of our climate, produce and pursuits, habits and state of society, appear rather to render it expedient to be uni. ted, as each part is unquestionably more or less dependant on the other. I cannot choose a more correct or concise view of this subject, than Washington himself has given, in his legacy of paternal advice.

But these considerations," says he, alluding to causes of common sympathy « however powerfully they address themselves to your sensibility, are greatly outweighed by those which apply more immediately to your interest. Here every portion of our country finds the most commanding motives for carefully guarding and preserving the Union of the whole.

"The North, in an unrestrained intercourse

with the South, protected by the equal laws of a common government, finds in the productions of the latter, great additional resources of maritime and commercial enterprise and precious materials of manufacturing industry. The South in the same intercourse, benefiting by the agency of the North, sees its ag culture and its commerce expand. Turning grow partly into its own channels the seamen of the North, it finds its particular navigation invigorated and while it contributes, in different ways to nourish and increase the general mass of the national navigation, it looks forward to the protection of a maritime strength, to which itself is unequally adapted. The East in a like intercourse with the West, already finds, and in the progressive improvement of interior communications, by land and water, will more and more find a valuable vent for the commodities which it brings from abroad, or manufactures at home. The West derives from the East supplies requisite to its growth and comfort-and what is perhaps of still greater consequence, it must of necessity owe the secure enjoyment of indispensable outlets for its own productions to the weight, influence, and the future maritime strength of the Atlantick side of the Union, directed by an indissoluble community of interest as one nation. Any other tenure by which the West can hold this essential advantage, whether derived from its own separate strength, or from an apostate and unnatural connection with any foreign power, must be intrinsically precarious."

GENERAL REGISTER.

BOSTON, SATURDAY, FEB. 26, 1814.

EUROPEAN. We have no accounts more recent than those by the Ann Alexander.

DOMESTICK. As despatches to government were received by the vessel, abovementioned, conjecture has been quite alive, as to what might be the result at Washington. They are said to be of no very recent date, and to bring nothing further of negotiation for peace.

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nication.

The effect of political discussions, in the present unhappy state of party spirit, has been to render the publick mind callous. The pic tures of calamity, which, on one side, is the theme of every appeal to the feelings of the community, is so general, as to excite little interest; for the many evidences of gaiety and enjoyment, which are still presented to our eyes, give the appearance of exaggeration to those pictures-while on the other hand, it is insisted that they exist no where, but in the brain of factious, discontented or ambitious politicians.

I presume you take no side in politicks : whether you do or not is of no consequence. I have no measures to propose-no doctrines to advance. I give you a simple representation of my own case; and presume, as there are certainly many cases resembling mine, in external circumstances, the state of my mind must likewise be experienced by many. The only hope I indulge is, that when actual sufonly hope I indulge is, that when actual suffering is delineated in its individual operation, it may awaken the attention of those, by whose agency it is inflicted.

prosperity, friendship, affection, hope and gratitude, were our constant inmates.

But when our government first began the system of restrictions on commerce, I was one among the many, whose property was a long time detained, at home, unemployed. When liberated, I again pursued my occupation. From that time to this, of the ten acts passed by congress to interdict, impede, expose, and finally to end our commerce, six of them have frustrated my speculations, and thus subjected me to sacrifices; and one exposed my property to seizure, where no human foresight could have anticipated the breach of any law. With a few thousand dollars remaining, I have several times attempted domestick speculation, with various success, but, in the general result, unproductive, while three thousand dollars a year, has been the inevitable expense of my compting room and family, conducted too on a plan of the utmost economy.

Experiencing constantly new embarrassments, and successive misfortunes, I cherished hope, as long as hope was rational. When one mode of business was obstructed, I essayed another, which without any favourable issue has shared the same fate. If war continues, I know of no possible manner in which I can expect so to employ the small remnant of my capital, as to support my family. If peace return, it cannot be expected, but in the event of a general peace in Europe; which will so diminish the profits on all business, that those reduced, like me, cannot look to commerce, but with despondence.

In this sad change of times, many are retiring to the country. I too could still purchase a few acres of land. But, Sir, what could I do in the country? It requires no ordinary degree of fortitude, to relinquish all the pleasures of society, to which one has been accustomed for life. It is painful to withdraw my children from the instructors, to whom their education has been entrusted; but to this I have already been compelled. Yes, Sir, to one who had experienced the delight of witnessing the progress of children in useful and elegant acquirements, adapted to a sphere of life, for which hope had designed them-to stop their career; to view them as destined to rustick I am a husband, and the parent of five chil- employments, in whatever corner necessity dren. My education has been wholly mercan-may drive me, and possibly struggling with tile, and my pursuits wholly in the line of my education. The rage of enterprize, which has involved many in misfortune and disappointment, never tempted me to hazard what was not my own. I relied on the regular augmentation of a small capital by industry; and for some time, in a great degree, realized my expectations. It was at this time I married. In Boston I was born-in Boston I settled in business-in Boston I hoped to draw my latest breath. Moderate success satisfied my mind; for a large fortune had never struck me as a condition essential to happiness. The companion of my life accorded with me in this disposition; our wants were supplied, and the prospect of providing comfortably and respectably for our children, was the frequent subject of our self-congratulation. The circle of our acquaintance in town was not so extended, as to substitute forms for friendship. Our social parties were frequent and always pleasant, for they were composed of those whom we esteemed. Our eldest children were in a course of elementary education; and under our direction had selected such associates in their pleasures and amusements, as we were willing should lead to future intimacy and friendships. Our house was the abode of contentment; our hearts, of anticipations, not without solicitude, but without gloom. Health,

want, is a reverse in prospect to which I have not philosophy enough to be reconciled. But the most decisive objection is, that I am a perfect stranger to the science and the arts of agriculture. The plough, the hoe, and the scythe are instruments of which I know the use, by slight observation, but not the management. Yet if driven to the country, though ignorant, I must work, for I have not the means of employing labourers. I neither despise the occupation of the husbandman, nor revolt at physical exertion; but feel my own incompetence to execute the duties of the practical farmer. Whether adversity has not affected my imagination, is not for me to determine, but such are the views, which obtrude on every side. In town or country, I see nothing before me, but the horrors of poverty.

The hours I spend in the usual scene of business, where I have experienced so many prosperous days, are now tedious and vacant. There is no employment, but for those who can afford to incur hazard; or for those whom rashness impels to act, without any calculation, as to the result. Sharing the general gloom, and overwhelmed by the consciousness of my own ruin, I return to my family; not to mature new plans for their future improvement and happiness-not to delight the associate of all my fortunes, with expressions of satisfac

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