Taxes are still the most interesting object of atten- | tion. The new Secretary of the Treasury has made a report, which will nonplus the wisest. The Federal Republican observes," it is interesting for its frank ness. The most important disclosure is that Mr. Madison and Co. are bankrupt for upwards of thirteen million of dollars!!" days o his life, and many hours in every day, when he was altogether insensible to their beauty. The little unmeaning and uninteresting details of domestick life; the usual cares and concerns of female duty; sometimes, perhaps, the irritations and disturbances of domesThe object of the Secretary, in the plan he propos- tick economy, produce expressions which are es, and which he shews will be necessary, is to adopt neither interesting nor pleasing; and while a system of permanent taxation, which shall raise an nually the amount of twenty one million of dollars they produce these, the beauty of the countewhich will be required every year, until, by raising anance (however latently great) is unfelt and still greater sum,the amount of the publick debt can be reduced. "This," says the Boston Daily Advertiser, "it is feared will never happen, for this annual expenditure exceeds by 8,000,000 of dollars the average amount of our revenue in our most prosperous days.' The President's instructions to our ministers, which we mentioned as having been laid before Congress, are now before the publick, excepting such omissions as were marked confidential. They are very long; but we shall endeavour to give a sketch of this famous question in Reduction descending. LITERARY AND MISCELLANEOUS. FOR THE BOSTON SPECTATOR. BEAUTY. MR. ALLISON, in his justly admired treatise on "The nature and principles of Taste," has given a very complete analysis of beauty, much more interesting to the ladies, than the puffs of cosmetick venders, or the most ingenious devices of the toilette. He very boldly attacks the commonly received opinion, that the beauty of the human countenance depends on the union of certain forms and colours; and maintains that all the satisfaction we feel is derived from the gratification of the moral sense, from a discovery of the expression of some pleasing or interesting quality. To support his argument, he appeals both to reason and experience; and as, to many of our fair readers, who will not take the trouble to read Allison, the secret of appearing beautiful may be valuable, we transcribe a few passages for their perusal. "I will presume to say there is no man who has ever felt the sentiment of beauty, who will not acknowledge that he has felt it in the most various and even opposite conformation of features; that, instead of being governed by any physical law of form or colour, every feature and colour has been experienced as beautiful, when it was felt as expressive of amiable or interesting sentiment and that in fact, the only limit to the beauty of the human countenance, is the limit which separates vice from virtue; which separates the dispositions or affections we approve, from those which we disapprove or despise. "We hear, every day, the admiration of beauty-Ask, then, the enthusiast to explain to you in what this beauty consists. Did he feel that it were in any certain conformation of features, or any precise tone of colouring, he would tell you minutely the forms, and proportions and colours of this admired countenance. But is it thus, in fact, that the communication is made? Is it not, on the contrary, by stating the expression which this countenance conveys to him? "When we differ, with regard to individual beauty, we do not support ourselves by any physical investigation of features. It is the character of the countenance we disagree in : and when we feel that this character is either unmeaning or expressive of unpleasing dispositions, no conformation of features, and no splendour of colours, will ever render it beautiful to us. "Every man, who has had the good fortune to live in the society of beautiful women, must have often observed, that there were many unobserved. Whenever the countenance assumes the expression of any amiable or interesting emotion, the beauty of it immediately returns." THE WRITER, No. XXIV. THERE has been much jealousy among modern nations with regard to their poets. The Epick is usually considered as the highest stretch of human genius and ingenuity, therefore each nation has contended for the honour of having produced the most perfect model of this species of writing. Tasso, Milton, Camoens, Voltaire, and Klopstock have had their several advocates, and the countries, to which they belong, have successively claimed the palm of victory in this literary contest. Nay, some of them go so far as to arrogate the superiority over Greece and Rome, and boldly snatch the laurel from the brows of Homer and Virgil to grace the temples of a bard of modern times. In an edition of the Italian poets the Editor says, " Che il Tasso afferrò l'epico con mincri difetti de' suoi emoli, antichi e novi, e voul dire, con maggior perfezione di tutti.” He allows however that Virgil alone would have surpassed him, if he had taken sufficient time and pains in correcting the great poem of the Eneid. And the French author Palissot (who, in his book of "des Hommes celebres," has not forgotten to give his own name a place) remarks of the Henriade, "Les nations voisines s'enorguiellissaient de leur poemes épiques, tandis que nous n'avions rien à leur opposer en ce genre, M. de Voltaire a vengé l'honneur de la France par son immortelle Henriade." The English very justly boast of their Milton, but in terms of more modesty; for I do not recollect that they have ever claimed a right to place him above either Homer or Virgil, or vaunted that they had avenged themselves on the world by producing Paradise Lost. Yet I am inclined to think that this great work must, among modern pretenders, stand unrivalled. Passing by the Henriade, for it is presumed that none but Frenchmen will ever contend for an equality between that and Paradise Lost, I shail, in a few instances, compare this last with the Gerusalemme Liberata of Tasso; and where the same subject is treated of in each, they are surely susceptible of a fair comparison. Milton's devils are always sublime; so much so that he has been complained of for the dignity he has continued to these once celestial inhabitants, after they had fallen. But Tasso has no respect for them, and does not fail to represent them as hideous and disgusting. Oh come strane, oh come orribil' forme! And again, Orrida maesta' nel fero aspetto It is the mind in Milton's devils that is hideous; and in this respect they are sufficiently diabolical; but to represent them with tails and thick bristly beards, and as vomiting blood, may create disgust, though it does not make us tremble. Lord Kaims,in his Elements of Criticism, has given some instances wherein Tasso degencrates into quaint antithesis and low conceits, when he attempts to delineate passion; and in comparing him with Milton, where love is the subject of both, it will be found that he is very faulty in this respect, whilst the English bard is always tender and conformable to nature. In the conversations between Adam and Eve, we have the purest sentiments of love, exprest with great simplicity, in the most soft and affectionate terms. Even in the anguish of his soul, when Eve had incurred the curse of death by eating the forbidden fruit, Adam's distress is natural, and the dignity of his character is preserved by the most appropriate language through the whole of this afflicting scene. Ån equally distressing scene may be found in the Geruselenme Liberata, where Olindo and Sofronia are to be burnt at the stake. But mark what different ideas the situation inspires accor ding to Tasso; Olindo addresses his lovely partner in distress, in puns- Questo dunque è quel laccio ond' io sperai Canto 2d, stanza 3. And afterwards in the next stanza pleases funeral pile though not in the nuptial bed. himself that they shall lie together on the This subject might lead me into a long largely from both authors; but as this number discussion, and would require me to transcribe is already well seasoned with quotations, I shall haps continue it in my next or some future not pursue it any farther at present, but per paper. HUMAN EXISTENCE. In the following extract, which opens the second Canto of "LARA," we trace a strong resemblance to Pope's spirit and style. The passage partakes of the sombre hue, which tinges Lord Byron's writings, even to excess, but it is impressive and beautiful. "Night wanes-the vapours round the mountain Melt into morn, and light awakes the world'; And lead him near to little--but his last; Gaze on, while yet thy gladden'd eye may see, We do not mean to accuse his Lordship of Warms in the sun, refreshes in the breeze, Mr. Langton attended him constantly, and soothed some of his last hours with the most pleasing and affectionate assiduity. Once whilst Mr. Langton was sitting by his bedside, Dr. Johnson seized his hand, and exclaimed with great emphasis" Te teneam moriens ruptures; and as the Germans are endowed ANECDOTE. One may fairly laugh at the ridiculous airs of some German women, who are continually As Francis I. happened one day to be amusexalting themselves even to a pitch of affec-ing himself by a combat of lions, a lady, having tation, and who sacrifice to their pretty soft- let her glove fall, said to Delorges" If you ness of expression all that is marked and strik- wish me to believe you love me as much as ing in mind and character; they are not open, you every day swear you do, go and bring even though they are not false; they only back my glove." It was the age of chivalry, see and judge of nothing correctly, and real and Delorges immediately went down among events pass like phantasmagora before their those terrible animals, took up the glove, reeyes. Even when they take it into their heads turned, and presented it to the owner; but in to be light and capricious, they still retain a despite of her arts and advances, refused ever tincture of that sentimentality which is held in to visit her again. so high honour in their country. A German woman said one day, with a melancholy expression, "I know not wherefore; but those ESSAY ON MAN., who are absent pass away from my soul." A French woman would have rendered this idea with more gaiety; but it would have been fundamentally the same. Ask for what end the heavenly bodies shine, PRETEXTS FOR WAR. -SOME watchword for the fight pay five ducats five, I would not farm it. Ham. Why then 'twill never be defended. Capt. Yes, 'tis already garrison'd. Notwithstanding these impertinences, which form only the exception, there are among the women of Germany numbers whose sentiments are true and whose manners are simple. Their careful education, and the purity of soul which is natural to them, render the dominion which they exercise soft and equal; they inspire you from day to day with a stronger interest for all that is great and generous, with more of confidence in all noble hopes, and they know how to repel that bitter irony which breathes a death-chill over all the enjoyments of the heart. Still we seldom find among them that quickness of apprehension, which animates conversation and sets every idea in motion; Ham. Two thousand souls and twenty thousand du- this sort of pleasure is scarcely to be met with cats Will not debate the question of this straw: This is the impostume of much wealth and power, * GERMAN WOMEN. "THE German women have a charm, exclusively their own-a touching voice, fair hair, a dazzling complexion; they are modest but less timid than English women; one sees that they have been less accustomed to meet with their superiors among men, and that they have besides less to apprehend from the severe censures of the publick. They endeavour to please by their sensibility, to interest by their imagination; the language of poetry and the fine arts are familiar to them; they coquet with enthusiasm, as they do in France with wit and pleasantry. That perfect loyalty which distinguishes the German character, renders love less dangerous to the happiness of women; and perhaps they admit the advances of this sentiment with the more confidence, as it is invested with romantick colours; and disdain and infidelity are less to be dreaded there than elsewhere. Love is a religion in Germany, but a poetical religion which tolerates too casily all that sensibility can excuse. It cannot be denied that the facility of divorce in the Protestant states is prejudicial to the sacredness of marriage. They change husbands with as little difficulty as if they were arranging the incidents of a drama; the good nature common both to men and women is the reason that so little bitterness of spirit ever accompanies these easy any where out of the most lively and the most DR. JOHNSON AND DR. LANGTON. SIR William Forbes has given the following account of the first acquaintance of these literary friends. When Mr. Langton was no more than sixteen years of age, and before he went to the University, having read, with a high degree of admiration, Dr. Johnson's celebrated" Rambler," which was first published about that period, he travelled to London with a view of becoming acquainted with its author. In this he succeeded, and Johnson being struck with his great piety, love of learning, and suavity of manners, conceived a warm affection for him; while he on the other hand, was charmed with Dr. Johnson, whose ideas and sentiments he found congenial with those he had early imbibed at home. From that period, notwithstanding a considerable disparity of years, a most intimate friendship took place between them, which lasted, without the slightest interruption, as long as Johnson lived. When the death of his inestimable friend drew near, "The age of chivalry is gone," but ladies may yet peruse this anecdote with advantage. It is dangerous to require such proofs of affection, as shew the want of it in themselves. POETRY. SELECTED. ON THE REPINEMENTS OF METAPHYSICAL PHYLOSOPHY. You, who would be truly wise, To Nature's light unveil your eyes, To bid you vainly stray. She bids us watch the night: SONNET. DR. BLACKLOCK. WHY do those years which long since have passed PRINTED AND PUBLISHED FOR JOHN PARK, BY MUNROE & FRANCIS, NO. 4 CORNHILL. DEVOTED TO POLITICKS AND BELLES LETTRES. VOL. I. POLITICAL. FOR THE BOSTON SPECTATOR. THE Declaration of American Independence is a state paper, consisting of two distinct parts; the first, a series of general principles, considered to be always true, and always in force; the second, a series of positions, illus. trating those principles, and shewing specifically wherein they had been violated by our lawful and acknowledged government, that of Great Britain, which, by defeating the purposes that government is instituted to effect, had not only absolved the people of these then provinces, from all obligation of allegiance, but had rendered resistance a duty. The occasion of this last part was temporary; but the first, if ever good, is as good, as valid, and as important now, as ever. There must be some very extraordinary change indeed in the political circumstances of this country, and in publick opinion, if it can be considered in any degree improper to look back to this instrument, which we have been educated to value for the soundness of its doctrines, and to respect as embracing many of the fundamental maxims, on which the political institutions of free governments are founded. Let us attend to the wisdom of the fathers of our country. "We hold these truths to be self-evident; that all men are created equal; that they are endowed by their Creator, with certain unalienable rights; that among these are life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness-That to secure these rights, governments are instituted among men, deriving their just powers from the consent of the governed; that whenever any form of government becomes destructive of these ends, it is the right of the people to alter or to abolish it, and to institute a new government, laying its foundation on such principles, and organizing its powers in such form, as to them shall seem most likely to effect their safety and happiness. Prudence, indeed, will dictate, that governments. long established, should not be changed for light and transient causes; and accordingly, all experience hath shewn, that mankind are more disposed to suffer, while evils are sufferable, than to right themselves by abolishing the forms to which they are accustomed. But when a long train of abuses and usurpations, pursuing invariably the same object, evinces a design to reduce them under absolute despotism, it is their right, it is their DUTY, to THROW OFF SUCH GOVERNMENT, and to provide new guards for their future security." But when are such principles to be brought into operation? Who are judges of the time when they become authoritative and obligatory? These are important questions. It is clear rulers will never admit that the time has come. The people therefore, the aggrieved people, must be the judges. How are they to know when they ought to "alter or abolish" their form of government? The reason of the thing does not point out the farticular day or month, when their original rights revert to them, but circumstances will. BOSTON, SATURDAY, NOVEMBER 5, 1814. When to bear is obviously the greatest evil, and when there is a reasonable prospect of success in the proposed amelioration. Not till then. THE RECONCILIATION. It is insinuated, in some of the southern papers, that the collision between the general government and the state of Massachusetts is in a train of accommodation! We should indeed be happy to learn that such was the fact; because the only measures which will quiet Massachusetts, will be equally beneficial to the whole republick. The general government, it is suggested, will appoint Governour Strong commander in chief of such forces as the state may think proper to raise for its own defence; allow him to commission his officers; and will promise to reimburse to the commonwealth the expense of raising and supporting these troops. Without any intercourse with the government of this state, we venture to say, no such propositions will answer, and for this plain reason; they do not conform, in any important point, to the spirit of the governour's message, to the report of the legislature, nor to the present necessities of the state. NO. XLV. to raise a state army at the national expense, while the nation, instead of supporting us, impoverishes us by taxes, is mockery-a gross insult. Without entering into any discussion of right or wrong, we take the following positions to be unquestionably true-We cannot go on in this war, as a state, without the use of our own resources-and, the general government cannot, and will not suffer us to use our own resources. If this may be considered a mere opinion now, a few months more will reduce it to a demonstration. There is therefore no possible reconciliation between Massachusetts and the federal government, but in PEACE. Peace we must have, and Peace we will have; and for the best reasons in the world. 1st. Because the war was an atrocity from the first: an infamous sacrifice both of character and interest; a mere plot, got up by an unprincipled, aspiring cabal, to secure and perpetuate the power of a few, to the ruin of thousands and the injury of millions. 2nd. Because the general government have proved themselves as incompetent to the defence of the country, as they were profligate in exposing us to the calamities of war, waged against a nation, which would have gladly been our friends. From these documents we learn, that the evil which the political fathers of this commonwealth seriously apprehend and wish to 3d. Because the general government, havguard against, beside the calamities of war, ising thrown the task of defence upon ourThe burthens already imposed by the general-Pharaoh like, commands us to make brick, extreme poverty, if not general bankruptcy. selves, sti! extorts from us the sinews of war. government are distressingly heavy, and yet and takes from us our straw. they are but small, compared with the sweeping taxes, which are now in contemplation. is no doubt but they will, will be to drain the The operation of these, if they pass, and there last cent from the pockets of nine tenths of any exertion, we are to be left to raise armies the people. Thus incapacitated from making and defend ourselves! If government strip ed? We cannot raise troops but with monus of the means, how can this be accomplishey. If we give our money to the general gov ernment, to support armies on the frontiers of Canada, and in the Floridas, we cannot have it to support state troops. But we must borrow-involve the state in debt, and the federal government will pay us ! such a step would ruin it. The state cannot The credit of this state is good now; but give security of itself, for the amount that it would be necessary to expend, to render our situation secure, and the promise of the general government is no security, and would be considered none. Backed by such a promise alone, state paper would not command any considerable sum; for let it be observed, the Union has owed us a balance of the very same kind, for upwards of thiny years, which it will not pay. With such a warning, shall we trust to future indemnification? Besides, the promises of the government are now accumulating at market, below par, owing to more recent evidence of bad faith. Will such indorsers enable our state to borrow Never. The case is a simple and a clear one-if congress take from us our resources, it takes from us the means of defence, and permission, 4th. Because the state of Massachusetts, exposed as she is by her extensive sea-coast, even were she not impoverished by the ruinous edicts and requisitions of Congress, is not able to pit herself against Great Britain, as,. next summer, she must, if war continue. 5th. Because Great Britain shews a disposition to make peace, on terms which would be favourable to the interests of Massachusetts, of New England, and in fact of all the Atlantick States; and not injurious to the nation. 6th. Because, if the general government will not make peace, when it is so obviously practicable, the Eastern states can undoubtedly secure this greatest of all blessings, to themselves, whenever they choose, and without the least danger of civil commotion. Our interests in these eastern states are ONE. Pensions and places still command partizans ; but the minions of our oppressors among ourselves, will none of them hazard a drop of blod against the people-and the South, if they choose to carry on the war alone, will. find full employment, without disturbing our tranquillity. 7th. Because it is in our power to turn the: tables upon cur tyrants. They have made war against us and our prosperity, rather than against Great Britain. Whenever New-England chooses to say, "we have done with the war," what follows? Probably a state of things which our blind, headlong rulers have not yet contemplated--but which the pressure of their insupportable measures may reduce to reality, within a few months—The Esters states at peace-free from war-t.X€S=-1&& from the danger of invasion, from to 5. Qi Vilano -restored to their profitable occupations- SEC. 3. Marshals and assessors are to de- waste. Does any political bigot, any determined vassal to Madisonian despotism tell me, these suggestions are out of order and incendiary This is my reply. The picture I have given will most certainly present itself to every New Englandman's mind, when the horrours of next summer's campaign open upon uswhen houses, lands, occupations, furniture, and clothing are subjected to the intolerable taxes, now preparing by Congress-when we must either see ourselves at the mercy of an incensed enemy, or glean, after the desolating hand of the federal government has passed over us, for a remnant of means to keep up the unnecessary, self-immolating struggle when the conscript system, now plotting by the national legislature, shall drag the father, husband, son, and brother, by force, from his home and kindred, to fight for the right of driving Indians from their own, unconquered, undisputed, unalienated soil! When these things present themselves on one hand, as they shortly will, the alternative I have described will obtrude itself on the mind of the multitude, in spite of every artifice to check such views. The law of self-preservation will then triumph over every subordinate obligation. In justice it should, and in fact it will. Under no circumstances do we apprehend a permanent severation of the proper territory of the United States; it is neither to be de sired nor feared. We warn our present southern masters to beware how they make an experiment of relative independence; it may teach them a lesson more humiliating than the past proofs of New-England's superior prosperity. In the second compact they will never see the conditions of the first. Give us a new administration, give us peace, and reform may prevent revolution. TYRANNY!... CONSCRIPTION!... WAR UPON OUR UNALIENATED RIGHTS! A BILL is now before Congress, of a character, which, if it pass into a law, as it probably will, sets the Constitution and the spirit of the people at defiance. It is headed An Act to provide for filling the Ranks of the Regular Army by classifying the free White Male population of the United States. SEC. 1. All the white male Inhabitants between 18 and 45 to be classed-classes of 25 in each, in every Township, Parish, or other Territorial Division, are to be made under the authority of the U. S. assessors-where there are no Assessors under Marshals-assessors and Marshals bound, under penalty to complete the Classification in a given time. SEC. 2. Each class shall furnish one ablebodied man between 18 and 45 to serve during the War-to be delivered over to the Assessor or Marshals, and by them to be delivered over to the U. S. officers authorised to receive him. SEC. 4. In case of failure, each Class to pay a penalty, which if not paid in days shall be collected of the taxable inhabitants of the dis trict in proportion to property real and personal to be decided by the Tax list, or any other just and equitable standard by which the actual wealth of the party may be ascertained, &c. &c. Every man who has read the Constitution knows, that all powers not expressly given to Congress, by that instrument, are reserved to the several legislatures of the states, or if not expressly delegated to them, to the people at expressly delegated to them, to the people at large. Every man who has read the Constitution knows, that it provides no mode of access, by Congress, to the militia of the United States, but by application to the respective state authorities. Yet this bill passes by the state authorities, in utter contempt; and, without the least form or ceremony, or even saying, by your leave, empowers officers of the federal government to class the militia-regulate draughts-drag the citizens from their houses and families, or, in case any class fails of complying with this unconstitutional Turkish requisition, the marshals are to seize on the property of the delinquents!! A measure so outrageous in its nature; so daring and unqualified in the terms, in which it is announced; so distressing to the people in its operation, needs no comment. Let it come-it will result in good. It will wind up the career of the President and his cabal; for we doubt whether a single state in the Union, however democratick, will submit to it. GENERAL REGISTER. BOSTON, SATURDAY, NOV. 5, 1814. FOREIGN. A report has reached us, said to be brought to Portsmouth, N. H. by a gentleman who left Aberdeen, in Scotland, on the 3rd of September, that Lord Hill had been ordered to Holland, with a part of the force destined for America, and that the expedition, under him, was, for the present abandoned. This news has not been confirmed. Thus ends the invasion of Canada, in that quarter. Sackett's Harbour. A letter from this post, dated the 28th ult. states it as the general expectation that an attack will be made on that place, in a few days. It is supposed that a considerable force,from Sir George Prevost's army, are at Kingston, ready to come over. Chesapeake. The British have landed about 1000 men on Tilgman's Island, in Choptank river, where they have plenty of fresh provis ions, and have prepared themselves comforta ble winter quarters. Castine. The British are severing this town from the continent by, a canal, and are actively engaged in making fortifications. The naval force remaining there, last Saturday, was the frigate Furicse, two brigs of war, a government schooner and several transports. A reinforcement of 500 troops were shortly expected from Halifax. A court of inquiry has been held at Portsmouth, composed of Captains Hull and Smith, on the loss of the United States ship Adams, by which it was decided that the officers and crew had done their duty, and they were honourably acquitted. Spirit of reform. A report by a joint committee of the legislature of Connecticut, in favour of appointing seven delegates to attend the Convention at Hartford, has been accepted, by 150 to 30. A communication from the Governor of Massachusetts on this subject has been laid before the legislature of Vermont, by Governor Chittenden. Hon. Isaac Tichenor, a federalist, is appointed Senater to the Congress of the United States, for six years, as successor to Mr. Robinson, a democrat. CONGRESS. The report of the Committee of ways and means on Taxes, principally occupied the attention of the House of Representatives from the 22nd to the 27th of October. Tax resolutions, have passed by large majorities, and been referred to the Committee of Ways and Means to report bills. On the 27th, a letter was communicated from the Secretary at war, suggesting the principles of the bill, taking the direct command of the militia, mentioned under our political head. The subject of taxes was resumed; a resolve passed in favour of adding 50 per cent. to the present duties on foreign merchandise retailed. On the 28th a resolve passed in favour of establishing a National Bank 93 to 54. This bank, according to Mr. Secretary DalFrom Berinuda, we learn, that about a las's plan, is to embrace a capital of 50 millthousand troops remained there on the 19th of ions, 20 to be subscribed by the U. States, in October, but no expedition was preparing from 6 per cent stock; and 24 millions by compathat quarter. Two hundred American prison-nies or individuals, if they choose, in six per ers were there, destined to England. The arcent. stock and treasury notes. Six millions rival of Admiral Cochrane, .who left Halifax only are to be paid in gold and silver coin. on the 12th, was daily expected. Government are to have a right to borrow 30 millions, at 6 per cent. Oct. DOMESTICK. Niagara Frontier. 19. General Izard crossed Chippewa river, six miles above the main British army, after a skirmish, in which his loss is stated at about 70, killed and wounded. On the 23d the American army had fallen back and were stationed opposite Black Rock. In the mean time, the British Ontario squadron, now commanding the lake, had passed up to Niagara, with considerable reinforcements to General Drummond. Since which, and latest, асcounts have arrived from Buffalo, that the whole of General Izard's army, including that lately commanded by General Brown, had crossed the Niagara, to the American side, having first destroyed the works at Fort Erie. dren, to people and cultivate it. But why at If it were really a moral or religious duty, for every female to be married, as it is to be honest or to be christened, we could then account for the stigma which attaches to a single life, and for the consequent eagerness, in some, to avoid the penalty of violating such an obligation. Or if it was invariably true that every woman, who had sufficient charms to engage a lover, was always ready to accept of his hand, as soon as it was offered; if no one ever refused to enter the Temple of Hymen, when the gates were ready open to receive her, it might be supposed, that the few who linger round the walls, were undeserving the favours of love, and were of those foolish virgins who had not kept their lamps trimmed and burning. But we know that this is not the case. There are many fine women, who have trod the walks of life alone, and probably with more pleasure and satisfaction to themselves, than if with partners and connexions, with whom they must have shared their "bliss or woe.' As we ought not to suppose, that the whole business of a woman is to endeavour to get married, we have no right to consider those who escape, as failing in their enterprize, and therefore as incurring the disgrace of a defeat. Many not only very amiable, but sensible and desirable women never enter the bonds of matrimony; and,among my acquaintance, there are several who are highly respected and esteemed as being Old Maids from principle. They have perhaps no unconquerable objections to the marriage state, but only have not preferred it, at the hazard of their peace of mind, or the sacrifice of their affections. They have not been willing to unite themselves to a man of bad character, or of no character at all; and had rather retain their own responsibility and happiness, than to marry a man in cautiously, whose vices might disgrace them, or whose ill humour might often pledge them in a cup of sorrow. Having received a letter from a sensible and agreeable old maid, who treats this subject very much in the same light in which I have been accustomed to view it, I shall give it a place, entire, in this paper. To the Writer." SIR,—I am an unmarried lady of forty-five, and consequently what the world calls an old maid; and although this appellation is generally considered as a term of reproach, yet, for myself, I can answer, that I never dreaded it as such on the contrary, I have ever felt proud of the spirit and principle which has been the occasion of its being applied to me. I will not pretend that I was always predetermined in favour of a life of celibacy, nor deny that there are men in the world with whom I might have been willing to have shared the joys and sorrows of life; but I must confess that there are so few of these in our days, that COWPER. I have had little expectation of falling into It is the mirror that reflects one's image back virtue. CHRISTIANA. IN PRAISE OF VANITY. THE general excellence of Cowper's works may be said to consist in their ease, simplicity, and occasional strength. His defects are, that the pursuit of these qualities has often led him to their extreme-to the point where they cease to be an excellence, and fall into their adjacent defect. It is thus that the ease of Cowper is too often carelessness, triteness, and familiarity. He will appear, in many passages, even to his most partial admirers, to have adopted Wycherley's definition of easy writing, which is ludicrously said to be, that, which every one can write easily. Of that laboured ease, that natural, but not too obvious facility, which, with all the effort of labour has nothing of its appearance, he seems to have sought or to have attained nothing. His ease will be thought to consist in little but the rejection of every thought, sentiment, and image, the employment of which was an affair of labour and difficulty. He has little of rapture, and less of sublimity. It is in the same manner with his simplicity. He is not contented with neglecting those tawdry ornaments which are indeed the disgrace of our more modern poets, he sometimes passes over those natural embellishments, which may be considered as the life and soul of poetry. His simplicity is thus nothing less than nakedness. His moral vein is very discernible, and runs pure and unadulterated with any singularity from the varying fashion of time and place; and several passages in his poem on "Truth" are highly characteristick of a soul enamoured of her divine dictates. A single instance will at the same time serve to mark the neatness and even sublimity of the thought, and the rough, unmanageable structure of the numbers "Oh! how unlike the complex work of man, which abound through all his didactick poems, the fruit. |