the best and most economical system in regard to schools.

Now, formerly, in America, the people took very much the view which I have indicated-the original New Englanders did establish their ministers in the way which I have mentioned; they did not leave their support to individual zeal, but, being generally in each settlement of one persuasion, they rated themselves for the purpose; and in truth that was exactly what was done by the early Reformers in Scotland. That was a system which was very successful for a very long period; and if circumstances had not changed I think no one would have sought to change it. But circumstances have changed-have changed in America, and have changed in Scotland; and, owing to the progress of modern thought and modern freedom, it has come to pass that the people in New England are not all of one sect of religion, and the people of Scotland are not all of one sect. There is a division among the people on religious subjects, and that division is not unattended with considerable jealousy and rivalry, and, I am afraid I must say, sometimes some bad feeling. Now, in America, as soon as it was found that people were no longer unanimous, but that there was considerable division, the course they took was to abolish all State aid to all Churches, and to let every sect make their own arrangements with regard to their religious establishments. I have watched this subject with very great interest. In order to ascertain how this systém worked I made it my duty to see whether the in

terests of religion suffered, or whether any other evils had attended the free system in America. I was entirely satisfied that religion had in no degree suffered; on the contrary, the people of America are to the full as religious as any people in the world -as religious as the people of Scotland, and that is saying a great deal. Not only is this so in the old settled States of New England, New York, and Pennsylvania, but I found-I confess somewhat to my sur prise that it is so also in the Western and Southern States. We have an idea that in the West people are rather rough, and I had half-expected to find that after a certain point they had left a good deal of their religion behind them, but it really is not so. In St. Louis and Kansas, in the West, and Carolina and Georgia, in the South, they are very decorous and religious people, with abundance of churches. The only drawback is that, as with us, there are sometimes three or four different churches, when one would suffice, if people would only all agree to go to it; but as they don't agree I don't see that any great harm comes from their having separate churches— though I am not without hope that, as liberal feelings progress, they may agree, and unite on the original simple principles of Christianity, getting rid of theological dogmas and difficulties.

Well, then, if religion does not suffer in America for want of Establishments, I am quite sure that peace and good-will greatly benefit. I was immensely struck by the entire elimination of religion from pol itics in that country, and the absolute want of any

inclination to hate one's neighbour on account of religion. Every man does as to him seems best, and no other man hates him, worries him, or avoids his society on that account. Politically and socially America is not divided by religious cliques. Politics have no streak of religion in them; a man lives as he likes, without being troubled by his neighbour; and dies as he likes, without his neighbour inquiring to what persuasion he belonged. I confess, then, I now feel that I should like to see religion separated from politics. I should be glad to see that done in this country, when it can be done without creating an amount of disturbance and bad blood, which would make the cure worse than the disease. But I also feel this, that the existing Establishment in Scotland is the least offensive religious establishment in the world, and is not an overwhelming evil. I can perfectly well sleep in my bed with the knowledge that the Church of Scotland still exists. I dare say the day is not very far distant when the thing may be done without the great change and great evils which some people seem to apprehend. I met a dignitary of the English Church in Canada―a Church which was disestablished by our countryman, Lord Elgin-and, I said to him, 'How do you get on in your disestablished character?' 'Well,' he said, 'we did not like it at all at first; we thought ourselves very ill-used; but now we have come to like it, and are quite convinced that it is best. Formerly there was great jealousy and dislike of us on account of our position; now all that has passed away. Everyone

is most friendly. We were disestablished on liberal terms; we have done the best we can for ourselves, and we get on very well indeed.'

THE POLITICAL SYSTEM OF THE UNITED STATES.

I cannot properly explain to you in a few words the political system of the United States, nor can I quite compare the Congress with our Parliament. The functions of the two bodies are really quite dif ferent. As I have already said, the United States are not one country, but forty countries, and the civil, criminal, and domestic laws of all sorts do not appertain to the central authority, but to the separate States, each having its own laws. Till one visits the country perhaps one hardly realises how completely this is the case. Neither in regard to marriage and inheritance, or the punishment of crimes, or the management of railways, or anything else, is there any general law whatever; the laws of each State are made by the separate Legislature of that State. Consequently, the Congress of the United States, having nothing to do with these things, is confined to the few functions which the Constitution vests in it, and which are, in fact, mainly financial; for it is necessary to raise a sufficient revenue to support the army and navy, and diplomatic service, and to pay the interest of the debt. The necessity of raising a customs revenue involves the question of the Tariff and the whole question of free trade or protection, which thus comes before Congress. The coinage and currency are

none now.

common to all the States, and are managed by Congress, which has also established common patent and copyright laws. It has power to establish a general bankruptcy law, and did pass a temporary law of the kind after the war, but it has expired, and there is The Post-office is almost the only institution beyond these which is common to all the States. I should mention, however, that, in connection with foreign commerce and the customs revenue, the United States undertake the charge of the principal harbours and the great rivers, and the expenditure connected with them a circumstance which gives rise to a good deal of rivalry of local interests, and to considerable opportunities for exercising influence by means of the public purse.

The revenue of the United States is mainly derived from three sources: the sea-customs and two great internal taxes, that on spirituous liquors and that on tobacco.

The laws of all the States, except the old French colony of Louisiana, are based on the common law of England, to which reference is constantly made, although a great and varying body of statute law has been built up over it in the various States. Still very much of the old English system remains, and one is surprised to find old English institutions, which have been swept away, modified, or threatened in England, still surviving in most of the States. The reason is that some of the oldest of the English legal institutions and maxims, such as the grand jury, trial by jury in all cases indiscriminately (civil as