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courts. We have not room to ex That colonies should thrive in hibit an abstract of the argument, produce and wealth, because the which nevertheless we recommend mother country is driven from the to our American statesmen to pe sea, and abandons them to shift as ruse and confute. We have al- they can without naval protection, ready hinted at a reason for our and that the English colonies forbearing to do this. We believe should droop and decline, in conthe ultimate settlement of the con- sequence of the empire of the troversy will depend more on the Britisli navy on every sea, is ceractual situation of the parties at tainly a strange assertion. The the present day, than upon the author strenuously insists, that this course of their former conduct and is the fact. English vessels are opinions, when their situation was exposed to the peril of captures exceedingly dissimilar.
and to war freights and premiums, The author supposes fraud on and of course English West India the part of neutrals, in covering produce goes dearer to market enemy's property, to a much great- than the products of the enemy's er extent than American mer colonies in neutral vessels. In chants will believe is the fact.* this way, he says, the commerce Yet he undertakes, p. 102, to say, of England, in West India prothat his conclusion does not de- ducts, is every where obstructed, pend on the fact assumed. For and is nearly lost. But he insists,
that the tendency of this system, « If the hostile colonies are supplied to augment and man the marine with all necessary imports,and their pro
pro of France, and to cramp and dis
of France duce finds its way to market, the enemy is effectually relieved from the chief prese courage that of G. Britain, is a still sure of the war, even though both more disheartening and urgent branches of the trade should pass into consideration. foreign hands, in reality as well as in Having in detail treated of the form.” He adds, that “ the produce origin, extent, and nature of the of the West-Indies sells cheaper at present, clear of duties, in the ports of our
evil, he proceeds, page 137, to conenemies than in our own.”-P. 105.
sider « the remedy, and the right of
applying it." If this be true, we cannot see
If," he continues, « neutrals why the French colonies should have no right, but through our not prosper beyond those of Eng. concession, to carry on the cololand. He tells us this is the fact; nial trade of our enemies, we may, and repeats, as well founded, the afier a reasonable notice, withdraw boast of Bonaparte,
that ruinous indulgence.” One of
the chief topicks of complaint in " That Guadaloupe and Martinique America has been the condemnaare flourishing so much beyond all for- tion of our vessels, without any mer experience, that since 1789 they have doubled their population."
such notice of their being liable to condemnation. Indeed, if Great
Britain could make out a right to There is probably some misrepresentation, seize them, it appears, that it has and certainly some exaggeration of the conduct of neutrals, in this part of the painphlet. There been exercised with an unwarranis also an evident want of correct information concerning the consumption of sucar and coffee
table precipitancy and unnecessary w the United States. These errors secin to be harshness. As booty,the prizes go loss excusable, because accurate knowledge was easy to be procured, and it is admitted, by the writer himself, that the force of his main argument docs not depend on their truth.
ernment of England participated in The proceeds, it cannot be supposed with England, is a violation of the duties to be of magnitude enough to oper- of neutrality.".
He adds, that “this very motive for ate as a motive for the captures.
opening the colonial ports is avowed in 4 Nothing,” says the author, the publick instruments, by which they us can be more advantageous to En- were opened. With the first news of a gland, than the suppression of the war the orders of the mother country to fraudulent commerce of neutrals.
open those ports are dispatched, as of But if it requires a breach of jus.
course. Neutrals can shew no treaty, no
convention with the enemies of Greattice, let us inflexibly abstain.”
Britain, as a title to these privileges, that These are honourable sentiments, grow out of war, begin and end with it." whether the author really feels them, or thinks fit, in order to give Page 183. He considers the force to his reasoning, to affect probability of a quarrel with the them.
aeutral powers, in consequence of He professes to think, there is the resort to the remedy he has no doubt of the British right to recommended, i.e. of withdrawing stop this trade.
the indulgence hitherto allowed to & Neutral ships (he observes) when taken
this trade ; and he endeavours, in a direct voyage to or from the hostile
3dly, to vindicate the prudence of countries and their colonies, or in a trade the remedy by shewing, that the between the latter and any other neutral neutral powers will not quarrel country, but their own, have been als with England on that account. He ways condemned by our prize courts, firmly believes they will not, beboth in the last and the present war. These restrictions can be warranted by
cause he is sure they ought not. no other principle, than the unlawfulness On this head, the writer seems of trading with the colonies of a belliger disposed to speak of the United ent in time of war, in a way not permit. States with some respect. He ted in time of peace.”
thinks the Americans are a sagaHe asks, “ whether it is possible that Deutral states, in peace and amity with
i cious people, who will not fail to Great-Britain, should have a riebi'to per discern their interest ; that they severe in conduct, which may, in its nat, respect justice, and therefore will ural consequences, make England a prove acquiesce in the exercise by Great, iste of France ?"
Britain of her just rights, as a belSupposing this to be the natural
ligerent ; and that, being lovers of consequence, it would be difficult to
liberty, they will not like to see
France lord of the navies, as well prove, that a neutral has any such sight : for the right of the belliger
ais of the armies of Europe. ent to exist, is to be preferred to the right of neutrals to make gain. ngu oi neutrais to make gam
“ But (he goes on to say, page 196) he would not recommend a total prohi
bition of the colonial trade, though he a With what intention," he asks," did maintains the right of Great-Britain to the enemy open his colonial ports to interdict it without reserve. We might neutrals? The single, manifest, and un- extend to all the French colonial ports dissembled object was, to obtain protec- the privileges, enjoyed by Americans at tion and advantage in the war, to pre. some of those ports in time of peace serse his colonial interests without the (which privileges he specifies) ; nay, we risk of defending them, and to shield might allow such an intercourse with the Fimself, in this most vulnerable part, from colonies of Spain and Holland.” “ The the naval hostilities of England."
farmers of America would in that case * I see not," he continues, “ how any find the same market for their produce, Inind can doubt, that a co-operation in and of course they would be on the side such an expedient, by powers in anity of couciliation and peace.”
But even a war with the neutral was near expiring ; when the powers, bad as he admits such a British cabinet wished to make war to be,would be a less evil than friends, and was discouraged to the abuses of neutrality.
see itself without any ; there is no “Peace with the neutral powers is more doubt the dispute might have been likely, after all, (he says) to be preserved prevented. At any rate, it would by a firm than a pusillanimous conduct." have been anticipated, and if our
« To conclude : a temperate assertion merchants had anticipated it, they of the true principles of the law of war, would have saved some millions of in regard to neutral commerce, seems, as
dollars, which have since been capfar as human foresight can penetrate, essential to our publick safety.”
tured and condemned. Thus it
is, that the people have to pay for On the soundness of the doc the national partialities and aver, trine of this writer, it belongs to sions of their rulers. the ablest American jurists and If our administration should ata statesmen to pronounce a decision. tempt to frame a new treaty, they As the pamphlet is written with will not find in the federalists, we considerable ability, and no little hope, the same want both of sense labour of research; as it is thought and principle, that fostered and by many to convey the sense of the protracted the opposition to Mr. English government, and probably Jay's. The negociation, it must expresses the opinion of the nation be confessed, will be attended with too, it is obvious, that it will sig- great, we hope not insurmountnify nothing on our side, to attempt able difficulties; and no man of an answer either by sophistry or sense will expect from it the reinvective. Indeed the answer will covery of every lucrative, neutral no less disgrace than disappoint advantage, that we have at some America, if it should prove defi- times enjoyed. Our commercial cient either in candour or solidity and political situation would be What can be plainer than that much mended, if it were better as. nations, when they disagree, must certained ; if our merchants knew appeal to reason, if they will not what was safe, instead of conjecresort to force ? If they do not turing in the dark, what is right, choose to fight, they must nego what is permitted, or what will be ciate ; and if they negociate, they maintained. must argue. Though our first i Great Britain most certainly is magistrate assures us, that reason averse to a war with America, is the umpire between just nations, She is not only interested in our yet with his unfortunate and very commerce and friendship, but dearunphilosophical antipathy against ly concerned to conciliate the exthe British nation and government, ercise of her naval supremacy, if and after all the false and silly it be possible, with the judgment things his adherents have said a- and conviction of the wise and able gainst the British treaty, negocia- men among the neutral nations. tion is understood to be the last Popular clamour, unsupported by expedient, to which our adminis- that judgment, will soon expire ; tration will think of resorting. It but the serious and steady censure is palpably clear to common sense, of the wise will, in the end, aug. that it should have been the first. ment the hatred and resentment, For had an attempt been made to naturally engendered by her pownegociate when the British treatyer, which will seek all opportuni.
ties to obstruct its energies, and and fair minded classes of men in will surely find some at last to sub- the neutral states. vert its foundations. Nothing, we The American re-impression of know from observation and expe this pamphlet is executed in a style rience, proves so fatal to the dura of great typographical elegance, tion of any sort of dominion, as the and prefaced with the following wantonness of its abuse. Great short notice. Britain, strong by her navy, by her “ It was intended to have prefixed to insular position, by her liberty, and,
this edition, an introduction of some
length, exposing, in a succinct manner, perhaps, not less so by her justice,
some of the sophistries with which this will desire, will endeavour, and singular work abounds, by way of putought reaily to make considerable ting the reader on his guard against sacrifices, rather than not succeed them ; but as it is now proposed to folto gain, in favour of her maritime
low it shortly with a formal answer, nothprinciples, the acquiescence, if not
ing more is thought necessary here, than
merely to apprize the reader of thia the applause of the well informed
CORRESPONDENCE. WE readily insert the following note, will assuredly listen to it with friendly got because we are flattered by its po attention, and promptly do what in them Eteness, but because we think it fairly lies to remove it. closes the controversy, in which we have With the Reviewers, and every other been engaged. What the writers may anonymous writer on this subject, they now gain by Miss Adams's filence we are not take a final leave. anxious to inquire, fince we lole nothing, while our statements remain uncontra
Jan. 22, 1806. dicted by the worthy woman, whose
YOU will please give the inclosed a place in the
Anthology for January, and oblige came we have reluctantly brought before Your humble servis. GILBERT & DEAN. the publick.
OUR feelings having been severely NOTE
wounded by the appearance of a paraTo tbe Editors of the Antbology. graph in the Monthly Anthology for DecemTHE Authors of the “ Compendious ber last, concerning the miscellaneous Hiftory of New England," replied to the works of Col. David Humphreys, and review of their work, merely to defend which did not meet our eye until the themselves against false charges and in- latter end of last week, we beg leave, fruations, exhibited against them, which, through the medium of your Anthology, had they remained uncontradicted, night to express our gratitude to that genhave left wrong impreslions on the minds tleman for the humanity which first of some of the readers of the Anthology. prompted him to present us with the They had a right to expect different work; himself having discharged every treatment from a body of men, who demand for paper, printing, &c. and the doubtless lay claim to the character of liberality with which he allows us the gentlemen and christians. With the au. use of several hundred dollars, which thor of the remarks on their reply they we have received from the subscribers ta certainly can have no controversy. his work, and of which he has never They are happy that his name is con drawn a single cent-constantly evading cealed from them and the publick it, whenever we have requested to be They envy him not any satisfaction, permitted to settle with him. which he may now, or hereafter feel in Of the abilities of Col. Humphreys, as reflecting on this transaction. I an author or poct, better judges than eith,
The authors of the Compendious Hir. er the Editors of the Anthology, or our. tory feel no reluctance in resting their felves, must decide. As a soldier, and a reputation with the publick, as to the patriot, he has deserved well of his counmatter in controversy between them and try-and as a man of benevolence, he will the Reviewers, on the facts already pub. be gratefully remembered by many ; but Eished. If Miss Adams herself has any by none with more respect and esteem, complaint against them, and shall think than his obliged humble servants, proper to make it known to them, they
GILBERT & DEAN.