congress that account of our foreign relations, which is necessary to enable them to adapt their measures to the circumstances for the general welfare of the Union, if a foreign minister, under colour of his official privileges, is to contradict every part of his statements, to impeach the correctness of his facts, and to chide him even for his omissions, to what an abyss of abasement is the first magistrate of this Union to be degraded? The freedom which a Spanish minister, unreproved, can take to-day, a French minister would claim as a right to-morrow, and a British minister would exercise, without ceremony, the next day. A diplomatick censorship would be established over the supreme executive of this nation, and the president would not dare to exhibit to congress the statement of our national concerns, without previously submitting his message for approbation to a cabinet council of foreign ministers. Under the British constitution, the speeches of the sovereign to his parliament are all settled in his privy council, and the royal lips are understood to give utterance only to the words of the minister. The reason of this is, that by the forms of their constitution the sovereign himself is above all responsibility, and the minister is the person accountable to the nation for the substance of the discourse, delivered by his master. In their practice, therefore, the speech is made by bim on whom the responsibility rests. But if this new assumption of the Spanish minister is submitted to, our practice will be an improvement on the British theory, of a singular cast indeed; for, while the responsibility will rest upon the president who delivers the message, its contents will be

dictated by persons, not only loosed from all responsibility to our country, but bound in allegiance, in zeal, in duty, to the very princes with whom we have to contend. The same control, which by this measure is attempted to be usurp ed over the acts of the president, will, at the next step, and by an easy transition, be extended to the legislature; and instead of parcelling out the message among seve ral committees for their consideration, we shall have to appoint committees upon every part of the message relating to any foreign power, to wait upon the minister of that power and inquire what it is the pleasure of his master that we should do.

That such is the inevitable tendency, and the real intention of this proceeding will appear, not only from a due consideration of the act itself, but from a proper estimate of its avowed motive, and from the subsequent conduct of the same minister. He addressed this letter to the secretary of state, not for the purpose of asking any explanation, not for the purpose of giving any satisfaction, not for any of the usual and proper purposes of a diplomatick communication, but, as he himself declares, for our, government to publish, with a view to counteract the statements of the president's message. It was a challenge to the president, to en ter the lists of a pamphleteering war against him, for the instruction of the American people, and the amusement of foreign courts ; and, having failed in this laudable project, he addresses, after the expiration of forty days, a circular letter to the other foreign minis ters residing in the United States, with copies of his letter to the sec retary of state, as if these foreign ministers were the regular umpires

between him and our government. Not content however with this appeal, he authorizes them to give copies of his letters to ensure that publication with which our government had not gratified him; and calls at once upon the American people, and upon the European courts, to decide between the president and him. Here too, Sir, I beg gentlemen to abstract the particular instance from the geneeral principle of this transaction. The same act which, under one set of circumstances, can only excite contempt, under another becomes formidable in the extreme. Of the newspaper appeal to the people, I say nothing. The people of this country are not so dull of understanding, or so depraved in vice, as to credit the assertions of a foreigner, bound by no tie of duty to them, the creature and agent of their adversary, in contradiction to those of their own of ficer, answerable to them for his every word, and stationed at the post of their highest confidence. But the circular to the other foreign ministers, is a species of appeal hitherto unprecedented in the United States. And what is its object the information of their courts; that the governments of France and Great-Britain may learn from him the justice and generosity of his master.

It is probable that both those nations, the ally and the enemy of Spain, have much better materials for estimating the justice and generosity of his Catholic majesty; but what have they to do in the case? By an anonymous newspa per publication, the idiom of which discovers its origin, a precedent is alledged in justification of this extraordinary step, and the reciprocal communication of diplomatick memorials concerning the affairs of

Holland in the years 1786 and 1787, between the ministers of Great-Britain, France and Prussia, at the Hague, is gravely adduced as warranting this innovation of the Spanish minister here. The very reference to that time, place, and occasion would of itself be a sufficient indication of the intent at this time. In the years 1786 and 1787, the three powers I have just mentioned undertook, between them, not only to interfere in the internal government of Holland, but to regulate and control it according to a plan upon which they were endeavouring to agree. Their ministers therefore very naturally communicated to each other the memorials which they presented to the Dutch government. And what was the result? Two of those three powers fixed between themselves the doom of Holland; raised a tyrannical faction upon the ruins of that country's freedom, and marched the duke of Brunswick, at the head of thirty thousand men, into Amsterdam, to convince the Hollanders of the king of Prussia's justice and generosity.

This, Sir, is the precedent, called to our recollection for the purpose of reconciling us to the humiliation of our condition. We are patiently to behold a Spanish minister, insulting the President of the United States, dictating to him his construction of our constitution; calling upon other foreign ministers to countenance his presumption, and entrenching himself behind the example of another nation, once made the victim of a like usurpation. The resemblance is but too strong, and will, I hope, not be forgotten by us. If the constitutional powers of a Dutch Stadtholder were prescribed and moulded according to the pleasure,

and by the interference of foreign powers, as undoubtedly they were, let us remember the fact with a determination never to be so controled ourselves. It is held up to us as example. Let us take it as warning.

The subsequent proceedings of the Spanish minister have been all in the same spirit with that, under which he presumed to call upon the president to enter the lists of altercation with him, before the people of this country. They manifest pretensions to which we ought not to submit; which we ought vigorously to resist. In his last letter to the secretary of state, he tells him, that he will receive no orders but from his own master. Now if this has any meaning, it must be to deny the United States the right of ordering him away; that is, one of the most indisputable rights of every sovereign power. When pretensions, so destitute of all foundation, are advanced, it becomes us immediately to shew our sense of them : not to resist them might be construed into acquiescence. It is a virtual dereliction of our rights not to defend them when they are as sailed.

I am indeed fully sensible that the operation of the bill I have proposed, should it meet the sanction of congress, will not be retrospective that to what has passed, no remedy which can now be provided will apply. But we may prevent in future occurrences of a like character, and of much more dangerous consequence. We may prevent the spreading of an evil, which threatens the dearest interests of the nation. We may prevent even the repetition of insults and injuries, which, but for the want of the regulations now proposed, in all probability never

would have been offered. In my own opinion, the necessity for some legislative provision upon this subject, will force itself upon this government with additional pressure from year to year, until it can no longer be resisted. If foreign ministers are to possess in the United States an unbounded independence of all the tribunals of justice, while the United States on their part are to be deprived of the ordinary means of self-defence, enjoyed and exercised by all other sovereigns to check the abuse of those formidable privileges, the course of events will, in my belief, at no very distant day, bring us into that unhappy dilemma, which will leave no other alternative than to infringe the laws of nations, or to sacrifice our constitution; to commit violent outrage upon the rights of others, or to make a dastardly surrender of our own.

Mr. President, I ask your forgiveness, and that of the senate for having trespassed so long on your and their indulgence. They have now before them the principles and the motives on which the bill was first introduced. It is for them to determine upon their justice and propriety. Should they think that my feelings or prejudices have exaggerated the evil for which I am sincerely seeking a remedy, or that the remedy itself is liable to insuperable objections, they will at once dismiss the subject from their deliberations. Should they on the other hand consider the principle of the bill as admissible, they will fashion its details at their pleasure. To their decision, whatever it may be, I shall cheerfully submit, with the full conviction that it will be dictated by a pure and enlightened regard to the honour and welfare of our country.

I HAVE already regaled you with the ruins on one side of Naples, and before I present you those on the other, I will introduce you to the amusements and manners of the Neapolitans.

There are four theatres, three of which are generally open at the same time. The royal theatre, contiguous to the palace of the king, is just closed, at the commencement of Lent. The theatre itself is the largest in Europe. The fronts of the boxes were for merly covered with mirrors, which, when the theatre was illuminated, produced the most brilliant effect. The boxes are now painted, but each one has in the inside one or two small mirrors, in front of which candles are lighted. The theatre, except on particular occasions, is very obscure; it is impossible to distinguish any countenance in the distant boxes; there e no lights, except on the stage. Those who hire the boxes, which is generally done by the season, light their own boxes if they choose; this is but rarely done, so that, excepting half a dozen scattered boxes with four or five wax lights, the body of the theatre is in obscurity. I have been only twice at this theatre. The performances were a serious opera, followed by a Vol. III. No. 6. 2M

ballet, neither of which could be called excellent. The dancing did not rise above mediocrity, and the dancers appeared to be more anx ious to exhibit feats of strength, than those graceful, characteristick movements, which form the excellence of this art. In the musick also I was disappointed; the orches tra was mean, and there was no singer of great talent. There are three other theatres, at one of which comedy and tragedy are occasionally played. There are one or two actors and one actress possessed of considerable merit, but their action and gestures were violent and exaggerated. One of the theatres is devoted to the opera Buffa, and in this the Neapolitan singers and composers excel all others. The person that can hear the delightful airs of Cimarosa and Paisiello without emotion and delight, must be fit for "treason, stratagems, and murder." Dur ing Lent the theatre Del Fondo is opened for performing oratorios. That of Saul has been the only one given this season. Though I have heard it five or six times, my pleasure seems increased at every repetition. There is in this oratorio a quartetto, beginning "Pietoso Dio," &c. which I have no hesitation in preferring to every other piece of

musick I have ever heard. Naples formerly boasted of the first singers and most able composers in Europe. The recent misfortunes of this country have driven most of them away. Paisiello is in Paris; Mrs.Billington in England; yet they still possess Monbelli, who, though past his prime, is the first tenor in Europe. The Miller is an admirable comick singer, and they have a promise of a great singer in the Pinotti, a young girl of seventeen, who has vast powers of voice, and is already a rival with the first cantatrices. If she continues to improve, she will become the best singer in Europe. Their orchestras are all of them mean; indeed the Neapolitans pay but little regard to instrumental musick, and have not patience enough to become great performers. I have seen them make many wry faces in executing some passages of German musick, which delights in difficulties.

There is little variety at these theatres; the same pieces are given for a month together, and the Italians who have heard them very often pay very little attention to the stage. They employ themselves in conversation, excepting the moment when some favourite air is sung,when they are profoundly silent. A stranger may vex himself to no purpose; the recitative and many of the airs are drowned in the talking of the audience.

The boxes are generally hired by the month, and, as no single tickets are sold, strangers have recourse to the pit, in which the seats are very convenient, having a cushion and arms to each; and each seat being separate, they are often hired by the month together, and in that case are locked up, when the occupant is not present. The theatres are opened through

the year at the second hour of the night; so that in summer time the performance does not begin till ten o'clock in the evening. This awkward mode of counting time is very perplexing to a stranger, and the inhabitants here know no other. Sunset is, according to them, twenty-four o'clock; from whence they begin one, two, &c. As each day varies a little, their time is perpetually incorrect. has been my misfortune to make several ridiculous blunders in this way of reckoning time.

It

The conversazioni are one of the most common amusements of Naples, and those to which a stranger is generally introduced. These are parties given in the evening, though of all others they least deserve the name of conver sations. There are a few ladies who hold them every evening. Two of these, at the houses of the Dutchess of -, and the Marchioness - are the most respectable, and are the resort of the nobility and respectable strangers. There are others of different grades, so that all ranks have accession to some of these parties. A stranger who should go to a conversazione with an idea to rational conversation, would be wretchedly disappointed. From the highest to the lowest, the chief occupations are cards and intrigue. Different games are played, but there is always one party for trente un, and this is the most common game. A person may have their choice of losing five dollars, or five hundred guineas in an evening. It was very disagreeable to see ladies seated at these tables, and intent upon the game: they certainly are never less attractive, than when thus employed. As for the Neapolitans in general, they are the coolest gamblers I