without a market. Again, the Protestants secured, we are to a man unanimous in any project anti-English; while the ghosts of those who fell at Marston Moor or Naseby, can prophecy what bloody discord would be the portion of our liberal coercers. Nay more, we have, under any circumstances, the old good will of France and America, while England is, as she ever was, hated and feared by both." Such are the speculations of those men from whom the British democrats expect co-operation. So far as it conduces to the good of the Romish Church and the glory of rebellion they will receive it, but no further. Popery and Infidelity will hunt together so long as a Protestant Church and Aristocracy are to be run down, but let them once dip their muzzles in the blood of the last Bishop, and, with tusks sharper than wolves', they will turn and tear each other's throats.

HEART.-But I cannot endure so closely the thought of our contending with Englishmen.

HEAD. It is a revolting prospect. a hideous thing to contemplate on either side; and, now that we have used it, I gladly say, away with the abominable thought for ever.

HEART.-But for what purpose conjure up so monstrous an apparition ?

HEAD. To teach you to repress your apologetic, compromising, prurient, rebellious, sympathies. And that by exhibiting to you the consequences of their indulgence. We will require all the painful severity of self-denial, and the fearless adoption of all most strict and rigid principles of political and religious loyalty to be enabled to avert that portentous crisis, with the prospect of which you have been so wholesomely alarmed. Were I near enough to be governed by your perverse suggestions, we would be precipitated into the very midst of it to-morrow.

HEART. You do me injustice. Had I not been loyal as yourself, you might feast the carrion crows to-day from a gibbet-but I am tormented and enraged by the condition to which our loyalty has brought us.-Deserted by the Tories, insulted by the Whigs, threatened by the Radicals, hated by the Papists, and envied by the Dissenters, plundered in our country-seats,

robbed in our town houses, driven abroad by violence, called back by humanity, and, after all, told that we are neither English nor Irish, fish nor flesh, but a peddling colony, a forlorn advanced guard that must conform to every mutinous movement of the pretorian rabble-all this, too, while we are the acknowledged possessors of nine tenths of the property of a great country, and wielders of the preponderating influence between two parties; on whose relative position depend the greatest interests in the empire.-I love this land better than any other. I cannot believe it a hostile country. I love the people of it, in spite of themselves, and cannot feel towards them as enemies.

HEAD. Yet it is one of the necessities of your existence that they should feel as enemies towards you.

HEART.-Well, well, I would not call them my countrymen if they could not remember and resent an injury.

HEAD. We did them no injury. If there be any country on earth which should thank another for having rescued it from bloodshed and barbarism, it is Ireland, and that other is Great Britain. Is it injury to establish peace where, for a thousand years preceding, there had been unabated war?

Is it injury to fix the rights of society where, from time immemorial, no man could call a single acre his own? Is it injury to extend the mild influence of just laws over men who else could hardly separate right from wrong? or is it injury to introduce the religion of the Bible for the fictions and traditions of designing man?

HEART. I cannot argue. I only feel that, in the heart of a mere Irishman, I would have rebelled against the forced favour.

HEAD. It is fair and natural that all gallant spirits should sympathize with one another; nor can I blame the brave man who recognizes as admirable a courage in Shane O'Neill as in Harry Percy-they both were very valiant rebels-so was Hugh Tyrone; perhaps as good a captain as Claverhouse or Montrose.

Owen Roe was a famous general, and a brave gentleman; but remember, I beseech you, had they succeeded, we had not been here. Had they succeeded, the Irish to-day

would have been fit rivals of the Greeks or Portuguese-as it is, they are a great part of a great empire. So much for the injustice of English interference.

HEART. It is not of English interference they complain. Their great outcry is against English misgovern

ment.

HEAD. That is because they have not the candour or the courage to declare the true cause of their indignation. They talk of seven centuries of misgovernment now, for more than four out of those seven hundred years this is absolutely false. Up to the time of Elizabeth there was in reality no government to mismanage. Till then, the English could scarce govern themselves, much less a turbulent and angry neighbour; and, had the Irish been formed of the stuff to make a nation, they had, every year of that time, an opportunity on more than equal terms of asserting their right to govern themselves-nay, of actually becoming the dominant island of the two. Could they have done so, had they possessed elements of a nation, then the English would have been, indeed, the dog in the manger, and the charge of misgovernment, or rather of government prevented, might stand; but let any man of common discretion look at any district either within or without the pale, to enquire whether or no, during all that time, it needed, or could spare protection, and whether he directs his attention to the stone castle of the Hibernicized Baron, who lived by Coign and Livery, or to the timber Dun of the native Chieftains, supported by Bonaghts and Cuttings, or to the forest, or the mountain cavern of the freebooter, subsisting by the plunder of his neighbour's cattle, he will find in all ranks and classes, and among all varieties of men, the same selfish clanship, the same contracted tyranny and blind savage levity, which, from Castle Dun and Cave will give him full as surance over all the island, that till the time of Elizabeth Ireland possessed no where either the will or the power of governing herself. After Elizabeth's time, indeed, that question may admit of argument; but much or little as they may have had, the English have always had more. Whether that power has been too laxly or too strictly Exercised since Ireland's actual

government began, I leave any reasonable man to gather from the fact, that, during its most vigorous operation we prospered exactly in proportion to our late decay under its relaxing influence. HEART.-Protestant ascendancy was indeed a noble scheme and worthy a great politician; yet, as in the misfortunes of our best friends, there is still something pleasing to us, I can extract even from its overthrow some comfortable solace in the thought that, while we escape our own responsibility, others undergo the risk of an experiment which, if it fail, will justify us to the world, and if it succeed will benefit our country. For the sake of the latter event, I could well submit to the substantiation of all their charges against us.

HEAD.God grant that it may have such an issue. But I cannot say that I submit to a consequence of it, which never can take place: Irish prosperity under the new system, would in no way fix an imputation on the old. Our modern theorists have sprung into existence with the steam-engine and the rail-road. Whatever these effect, they will lay claim to, and whatever good be the consequence of their joint influence, they must share its reputation together.

HEART.-After all, they are neither steam-engines, rail-roads, nor canals, that make a great people. They are the effect, not the cause. The Romans were the nation of the gown before a stone was laid in the via Appia. Magna Charta will outlast the reform bill, although Watling-street was the only paved road that rung to the tramp of the assembling barons. Our own volunteers are not altogther eclipsed by the trades' union, even though, in these unenlightened times, no empty truck-boat, crossed once a week the utilitized Bog of Allen. The men and the cause make the great people, and no instrument so worthy as the strong hand.

HEAD-If the question were to be so arbitrated, come two to one, and welcome: but our enemy's boast is, that that day's gone by. We must fight our battle now with a handful of types and a composing-stick, pages like this our field, and the reading public our arbiter of war. here, although the odds are so fearfully against us, we will take our stand upon

Yet even

SIR,-In your last Number I have read, with not a little interest, your strictures upon Major Gawler's letter to Sir Hussey Vivian, respecting the crisis and close of the battle of Waterloo; and beg leave to call your attention to the following extract from the United Service Journal for the same month, as affording a striking confirmation of what you have advanced as to the part which the Guards performed in that memorable contest. You say, that the charge of the 52d, which Major Gawler describes as accomplishing such wonders, must have taken place after the advance of the French had been repelled by the Guards, and when the enemy were either upon the point, or in the act of dispersion. That such was the fact, is now put beyond doubt. An eye witness, whose attention was called to the subject by the recent discussion, thus graphically describes what took place:

"The Duke had, a short time previous, rode down to Hougomont; and in returning, had ordered the 1st brigade of guards, then in squares, to take ground to their left, and to wheel up into line, four deep. This brought the brigade precisely on the spot the Emperor had chosen for his attack. There ran a road along this part of the position, on one side of which were a bank and ditch, under which the brigade sheltered itself during the cannonade, which might have lasted three quarters of an hour; and which, in the opinion of very many competent judges, had never been equalled in violence or intensity. Without the protection of this bank, every creature must have perished. The Emperor, probably, calculated on this effect, for suddenly the firing ceased, and as the smoke cleared away, the most superb sight opened upon us. A close column of the Moyenne Garde (about 8,000 men,) led by Marshal Ney, were seen ascending the rise, au pas de charge, shouting Vive l'Empereur!' They

continued to advance till within fifty or sixty paces of the bank; when the brigade had the order to stand up. Whether it was the sudden and unexpected appearance of a corps so near them, which must have seemed as starting out of the ground, or the tremendously heavy fire we threw into them, these men, who had never before failed, suddenly stopped. Those who, from a distance saw the affair, say that the effect of our fire was most extraordinary. It seemed to force the head of the column bodily back. In less than a minute, above 300 of them were down, and the column began to waver. In their rear they made something like an attempt to deploy, and some firing began over the heads of the men in front. So evident was their confusion, that brave des braves' Lord Saltoun, (who had joined from Hougomont, having had his light infantry annihilated, having been superseded in the cmand by the arrival of Colonel Macdonald of the Coldstream), hallooed out, 'Now's the time, my boys!' and immediately the brigade sprang forward. The Garde Imperial turned, and gave us little opportunity of trying the effect of the bayonet. We continued the charge down the hill till our right flank had cleared the wood of Hougomont, when it became exposed to a column of, I believe, the sixth corps, who were the support to the Garde. As our advance was at that moment insulated, and we were not aware of being supported, we retired towards our original position; but opportunely, Sir F. Adam's light brigade, having moved from the knoll to their left under the hedge of the garden of Hougomont, advanced to our support; and as soon as we had uncovered the front of this brigade, both brigades advanced, which did not cease but with the total defeat of the enemy. The Duke of Wellington, who had observed the effect of our charge, had in the mean time ordered the whole line to advance. The