66

trades; the cornices and projections of the tower are furnished with little bells whose tinklings, when agitated by the wind, produce a very agreeable harmony. In the highest story is an idol of gilt copper, to which the temple is consecrated. In page 292, vol. 2d, he tells us that the Chinese dress, in general, consists of a long vest, which reaches to the ground. One part of this vest, that on the left side, folds over the other, and is fastened on the right by four or five gold or silver buttons, which are placed at a small distance one from another. The general head-dress of the women cousists in an arrangement of their hair in several curls, among which are interspersed small tufts of gold or silver flowers." There are some, says F. Du Halde, who ornament their heads with the figure of a fabulous bird, named fong-hoang, of which antiquity has related many marvellous things. This bird is made of copper or silver, gilt according to the rank of those who wear it. The bird moves freely about on a concealed hinge to imitate nature.* The posts of the beds of genteel families are gilt, painted, and ornamented with sculpture. The furniture of the houses is covered with a beautiful transparent varnish, through which is seen various gilt figures and other ornaments. In the march of a Viceroy through any of the provinces, he is preceded by twenty-four trumpeters, whose trumpets are above three feet in length, and about eight inches in diameter at the lower end. They are made of a kind of wood, named by the Chinese ou-tong-chu, and ornamented with rings of gold. Twenty-four men follow them armed with sticks, seven feet long, varnished green, and decorated with gilt foliage. 200 fans are carried in procession, supported by long gilded poles.|| In the Emperor's train, which is described in a former part of this article, are (Grosier says,

Vol. 2, p. 332,) "A thousand footmen, in red robes interspersed with flowers and stars embroidered in gold and silver."

Abel, p. 227, informs us, that contiguous to the temple at Canton, were temples with dormitories annexed, containing a host of gilded idols distributed over an extensive piece of ground. Various labyrinths and edifices contained similar idols of different degrees of dignity and influence. Amongst these, four hideous colossal monsters, at the entrance of an avenue from the precincts of the principal temple, were pre-eminent; these were profusely gilt, and incense continually burned before them. Abel observed, that great quantities of gold were employed in gilding the sign-boards of the merchants and traders in the different cities and towns through which he passed. And again, in page 188, he remarks, that a gilded board, seven or eight feet high, with three large characters inscribed upon it, is to be seen before each door. The porcelain pagoda at Nankin is surmounted by a gilded ball, and contains various compartments filled with gilt idols, placed in nitches in the walls.

Abel also informs us that European silver coins were much sought after at "Tung-Chow," a city at which the embassy under Lord Amherst in 1816 and 1817 stopped for some time, “but less for their intrinsic value than as curiosities. English eighteen-penny and three shilling pieces were particularly in request, and seemed to be as highly prized as the Spanish dollar. Indeed, so far did the inhabitants carry their anxiety to possess a coin with a perfect device, as to offer me (says the author) handful after handful of their small copper money, called Tchen, for a few silver Java coin with the figure of a horse on one side. The same coin was valued by their money-changers at seven Tchen. This estimation of

Ibid. 305.

$ Ibid. 330.

Ibid. 331.

This coin is melted not

the value of small silver coins could only be the consequence of their rarity, as all silver passes with the Chinese by weight. The smallest portion of a dollar goes for its relative worth, as readily as the whole coin. Silver, for a medium of circulation in China, is often melted into conical masses, having the shape of the crucible in which they have been formed. For large payments, the entire masses are used; for smaller, bits of these are cut off, and weighed on the spot. For this purpose, a Chinese usually carries about with him a pair of scissars and a small balance of a very sensible description, the rod of which is usually of ivory. Gold in China is merely an article of merchandize."--Vide Abel's Journey in China, page 114 and 115.

Before we dismiss this part of our subject, it may not be improper to remind our readers, that in the very gilding of China cups, saucers, teapots, vases, and other articles exported from that country to Europe, or used for domestic purposes by the natives at home, much gold must be for ever withdrawn from the mass in general circulation.

Be this as it may, it is certain that by much the greater part of our Eastern trade is managed by bartering the precious metals, particularly silver, for goods; and as these articles bear a higher price there than in Europe, they seldom return from that quarter. It is scarcely necessary to mention the sums expended in the Molucca spices, the piece goods of Bengal, &c.-See Smith, p. 307-308, vol. 1. et passim.

From what we have said, it is evident that gold and silver are not only merchantable commodities, but in very great demand as such, and that the drain from these countries, and domes tic consumption of those metals is vast and continual. We proceed now to shew some other causes of their waste and of their subduction from Europe, which are,

First Emigration to America. Gold is uniformly brought to that country by all those who wish to purchase land and settle there for life. Much of this gold, however returns to Europe in the ordinary course of trade.

Secondly-The wear and tear of

plate.

Thirdly Frequent loss in transporting the precious metals from place to place, by sea and land. The mass of wealth buried in the ocean is beyond all human calculation.

Fourthly-The subduction of money from circulation by avarice, which frequently locks up, and timidity, which often buries the current coin in the earth. In Asia, and under all parts of the Turkish empire, vast sums are deposited in the ground, to hide them from the rapacity of the great and petty despots of those countries. This, of course, is subducted from circulation, and much of it is totally lost.

Fifthly-Loss produced by those who often put into circulation a spurious coin, frequently mixed with small quantities of sterling silver and often plated over with it.

Independently of these things, there are other causes which frequently render gold and silver scarce in particular countries, without diminishing the ge. neral mass circulating through the commercial world at large.

Such are subsidies paid in time of war to foreign princes, and sums expended in the support of armies abroad. Gold disbursed in this manner does not return to the country from which it has been transmitted, so long as its value as a commodity exceeds its nominal value as money, rates of exchange have also a powerful effect on the price of bullion. But these and similar causes do not, in any manner, diminish the precious metals in general circulation.

The origin of any nation must be obscure, except it spring from a colony or an association of individuals collected from different quarters, and combining to form it. Notwithstanding the exception in its favour, the early history of Rome has been considered by some as peculiarly uncertain. This uncertainty is thought to arise from the late period at which its first his torians appeared, and the antiquity of its foundation, which was prior to the commencement of authentic history. If, however, it sprung from an assemblage of men, who were let loose upon society, and were brought together for the express purpose of founding a state; such a formal proceeding, attended by such consequences, could hardly be forgotten. The rumours of it would live longer in tradition than the gradual formation of other nations, the germs of which are usually imperceptible. But though the nature of the union may live long in the memory both of themselves and their neighbours, their subsequent actions may be involved in fable and doubt, and will naturally partake of the exaggeration with which men usually magnify their exploits; and the confusions and anachronisms, to which ancient history is unavoidably liable. When these errors have once taken place, they will descend through the writings of the most correct and authentic historians, and though their credit may be occasionally shaken by critical scrupulosity. To judge, therefore, of the grounds of their belief, we must ascend to the earliest writers and documents, from which they derived their information.

The earliest historians among the Romans were Fabius and Cato, respectable men, and very credible with respect to what came within their own knowledge; but they did not appear for five hundred years, at least, after the supposed foundation of Rome.

This date, however, goes on the supposition that the seven kings reigned 244 years. This is evidently an extravagant calculation, even for an here

ditary race; still more so for a series of elective kings; and above all for those of Rome; who were all of mature or advanced age, when they came to the throne; of whom four were taken off prematurely by violent deaths, and one was deposed in the vigour of life. Newton, therefore, I think, reduces the duration of the monarchy to about 126 years. This will bring the Fathers of Roman History within 400 years of the building of the city. Still this is too long for tradition to carry a minute and correct record of events. It becomes necessary, therefore, to inquire, whether they had any better authority than oral tradition.

The other sources from which they may have drawn their materials are the following:-the Pontifical Annals, and other ancient monuments mentioned by Livy;-the acts of the Senate, and Comitia ;-the Laws of the Twelve Tables, which vouch for the existence of the Decemvirs ;-Libri Lintei," (Books of the Magistrates) ;Tables and Memorials of the Censors; -Books of the Decemvirs and Duumvirs. When the city was burned by the Gauls, it is probable, that many of these were destroyed; but others were saved by the vestal virgins, who carried them across the Tiber, with other sacred deposits; and as the Capitol was not taken, it is reasonable to suppose, that the most ancient and authentic documents were preserved. Add to these, similar memorials in the neighbouring nations, and public treaties, which would be preserved by them, though lost by the Romans, and also Family records, Funeral Orations, and Inscriptions. Some of the most ancient of these records were in existence in the time of Horace ;- Tabulas peccare vetantes-Fædera regum, vel Gabiis, vel cum rigidis æquata Sabinis, Pontificum libros, annoso volumina vatum-Saliara Numæ car

men.

Greater stress, I apprehend, should be laid on the aid to be derived from foreigners, than is usually done; especially the Etrurians. They were a

colony from Lydia, and excelled in arts and letters before the origin of Rome. From these, she derived her religious ceremonies, legal formalities, and scenical amusements. They were settled on the other side of the River, in a neighbouring district; and may have been the depositories of more authentic records than the Romans themselves possessed; and other refugees beside the vestals, may have transported valuable articles, and authentic registries out of the city, and deposited them safely in Etruria. Thus the original writers of history may have gained much important information from this and other neighbouring districts. On the whole, they may have had sufficient authority for all those transactions and institutions about which posterity is materially concerned; and credible reports of minor matters.

Besides, there is nothing incredible in the general tenor of the history.

The history of the kings is not improbable their characters are such as might arise in an elective monarchy; were well suited to the times, and were such as those times might produce.Neither is there so great a spirit of exaggeration or panegyric betrayed, as might impeach the credibility of the authors. Romulus must have been a man of great address and talents, military prowess and political wisdom, if he began with organizing a banditti, and ended by establishing the only constitution, I believe, that has ever been compared to the British, consisting of a limited monarch, a Senate of able and experienced men; the foundation of a body of gentry in the Comites or Knights, and an assembly of the people, who were checks upon their encroachments on each other; and protected by the need that each party experienced of their support. The peaceful and pious virtues of Numa were wisely selected to complete the system by organizing their religion.After his quiet reign, the vigorous and warlike character of Tullus Hostilius was probably necessary to revive the courage of his people; and repress the encroachments of their restless neigh bours. “Cui deinde subibit-Otia qui rumpet patriæ, residesque movebit Tullus in arma viros, et jam desueta triumphis-Agmina." Ancus Marcius

VOL. II.

united the qualities of his two predecessors; and completed or forwarded what they had begun. Why Virgil gives him the title of Boastful or Ostentatious, and fond of popularity, (paullo jactantior Ancus, Nunc quoque jam nimium gaudens popularibus auris,) is still, I believe, a secret. He was succeeded by a family which had emigrated from Corinth to Etruria, and who introduced something of Grecian refinement; the circus and the games; and the art of augury.The first of the Tarquins, in particular, fortified the city, and made those sewers, which still remain, though buried under the ruins of near 2500 years. The natural tendency of an elective monarchy to glide into hereditary succession began now to appear, and he was murdered by the sons of his predecessor. Instead, however, of restoring their family, the son of a noble lady, a prisoner of war, ascended the throne, and distinguished his reign by perhaps a greater number of wise and splendid improvements in government and policy, than were ever executed by any prince af antiquity. He too fell by the hand of the son of his predecessor; who, profiting by experience, usurped the government, without asking the consent of either senate or people, and earned the title of Tarquinius Superbus. His insolent and licentious tyranny produced its natural effect, by occasioning a Revolution, and an abolition of monarchy.

The balance of the Roman constitution under the kings did not depend on the three estates pulling different ways with equal forces, which, as in mechanics, would only keep the body stationary and at rest; but in the combination of two against the third, when it would transgress its limits. On this principle, it was the policy of the monarchical and constitutional powers to keep on good terms with the people, who could turn the scale, and if they were oppressed by the one they could fly for refuge to the other. The equilibrium was preserved, not by an obstinate and hostile counteraction, but by a mutual sympathy: as the equipoise in our constitution does not depend on a systematic jealousy and opposition, so much as a mutual influence.

Tacitus says, that all nations have been governed by a democratic assem

bly, an oligarchy of nobles, or a king; and that a form of government, composed of these, may more easily be raised than expected to exist: or if it ever should take place, it would not be lasting.

"Cunctas nationes & urbes populus, aut primores, aut singuli regunt: delecta ex his & constituta reipublicæ forma laudari facilius quam evenire; vel, si evenit, haud diuturna esse potest."

Notwithstanding this, Dionysius and Polybius pronounced that to be the most perfect form which consisted of a due mixture of the regal aristocratic, and democratic powers.

Cicero, in a fragment, says, "Statuo esse optime constitutam Rem publicam quod ex tribus generibus illis regali, optimo & populari confusa modice."

This constitution they exchanged for the most confused, inconsistent and turbulent form of government that ever existed. For one king they had two consuls with royal power, often at variance with each other, or combining to tyrannize over the people. As their power lasted but one year, they were solicitous to plunge the nation into a war in the beginning of their magistracy and to finish it before they resigned their office, lest their successor should reap the fruits of their services. The elections taking place in the middle of their year, they were obliged to return from the most distant service to hold them. These were often delayed, from various causes, accidental or factious; and the commander-in-chief was detained from his army at the most critical period of the campaign. When in the field together their commands were alternate, each anxious to come to battle on his own day; as in the fatal day of Cannæ. The same absurd policy prevailed among the Greeks, particularly at the battle of Marathon, where, however, it was followed by a more fortunate result.

To correct the mal-administration, incapacity and dissensions of the consuls, the senate compelled them very soon and very often to resign their power to a Dictator, a Magistrate invested with despotic power for six months, and not liable to any responsibility afterwards; and to add to the absurdity and danger of this bungling contrivance, the Consuls had the ap

pointment. In one instance, they resented this interference by naming a person so notoriously deficient, that the Senate forced him also to resign.

Thus the higher orders in the state had the liberty of the people at their disposal; and they exercised their authority by forced and arbitrary enrollments, and the most cruel extortion of the payment of debts; in both cases by servitude and corporal punishment, and every other species of insolent oppression. To prevent the people from acting in a body, and exerting their constitutional powers, they appointed a Dictator, or invested the Consuls with arbitrary power, or they availed themselves of the superstition of the times; and as nothing could be done without favourable auspices, and all the sacred offices were in the hands of the Patricians, they could at any time dissolve the assembly of the people, or proclaim war and compel them to enlist.

The Commons, on the other hand, had no better means of counteracting these arbitrary measures than by the desperate expedient of departing from the city, abandoning their oppressors to their own resources in the most critical periods, and taking possession of the Mons Sacer, the Aventine Hills, or the Janiculum. By these means they extorted the appointment of the Sacred Majesty of the Tribunes. As the Patricians had their Magistrate, not accountable for his conduct, who could at any time disperse the assemblies of the people; so the Commons had a set of Magistrates whose persons were sacred, and who, by their veto, could put a stop to the proceedings of the Senate, and the most important measures of Government. The people, with the jealousy natural to republics, had vested these powers in a number of individuals; and the Senate availed themselves of this circumstance to corrupt one of their body, whose veto was sufficient to paralyze the whole college.

The result was, that their contests were decided by brute force; and bloody battles were in the common forum. In these the nobles could bring a large proportion of the Plebeians into the field; for every Plebeian was obliged to addict himself as a client to some Patrician. The patron was not only