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is certainly written with great fierceness of spirit and much asperity in language, containing eighteen sections; in the last of

which the differences between the Prelatists and Puritans are aggravated with great bitterness.' Bishop Hall, at the end of his Defence of the Humble Remon

strance,' speaks of the last section of Smectymnuus thus: The rest that remains is but mere declamation, not worthy of any answer, but contempt and silence.'

"In this controversy, no one can say

that Bishop Hall has used asperity of language, or manifested bitterness of spirit on the contrary, he has written with the simplicity of a primitive Christian bishop; with confidence of the goodness of the cause; with brotherly respect to his opponents: his language is energetic, yet temperate, courteous, and chaste." Hall, pp. 206, 207.

The period, in truth, was now arrived, when doctrines professedly the most humbling and softening to the heart, the doctrines of "absolute election and predestination to life," were, in some instances, we fear, to be seen united in the same individual with pride and a spirit of revenge. The Puritan had been cruelly injured; and he must have blood for blood. We are not aware that any one of these five writers hinted at the mercy or the forgiveness of the Gospel, much less at the duty of submitting to the laws and constituted authorities of the land. But of this presently. The document entitled by Hall "Some Specialties in my Life," happens to close, as we have observed, before any part of the above Smectymnuan controversy began. Other affairs, inore momentous, seemed to press on his mind, and to prove too vast for utterance; those ominous words, nearly the last he here writes, "THE PARLIAMENT BEGUN," leaving us to guess the rest. A short parliament had met early in the year 1640, Happy, perhaps, had it been, says Clarendon, if that parliament had continued. Disastrous councils, how ever, prevailed; the parliament was dissolved, and the last long tale to which Hall's words allude, began late in the same year.

There was,

he says, "hard tugging!" For another year the crisis was suspended.

Several sees were at this moment filled up on the king's return from his unhappy Scotch expedition, and in a manner suitable, for the most part, to the exigencies of the times; we have little reason to inquire whether or not, with men who had been privately marked by Archbishop Laud with O for orthodox, or P for Puritan for Laud had, early this year, in spite of every principle of justice, which it is feared he had too often violated himself, been lodged in the Tower. Indeed we must say it, in mournful recollection of the disasters (humanly speaking) of those times, that it is a question whether any thing short of that rare coincidence of misfortune, which gave Charles such an adviser as Laud, and Laud such a monarch as Charles, would have shaken the firm and deep-rooted hold which Episcopacy had on this kingdom. Laud's portentous policy of ejecting what were called the predestinarian doctrines from the Church of England, throwing their full weight into the scale of her bitterest enemies, hastened the mischief. A comparatively harmless quarrel about a cap or a surplice, must have been sooner or later adjusted. The question even of Episcopacy might have stood its ground with the arguments of a Hooker and a Hall in its favour, even though with the temerity of a Laud and the violences of a court of high commission against it, we doubt whether even the spirit of a Cromwell, hovering over the councils of parliament, as that of Prince Maurice over the Synod of Dort, would have of itself carried the day in those " prælia conjugibus loquenda." But when the very grounds of doctrine, what the large body considered the ima fundamina of Christianity, were touched: and when doctrinal Puritanism, the very doctrine which conquered at Dort, was forced into the ranks of political discontent, what result, may we say, necessarily awaited the Episcopalians, who chose to ally themselves both in religion and politics to the

unpopular side? What, we say, should of this reign of terror, to be even "suspected of being suspicious chaAnd now the opportunity was come, when their innocent protest was to be made the plea for a charge of HIGH TREASON. "As well," said one of the Lords very shrewdly, "might they have been charged with adultery." Yet, to their shame be it said, the lords saved not their own members from ultimate charge and disgrace, on this very plea. The descendants of those barons, who had wrested the Magna Charta from their monarch, in behalf of the people, were not men of courage or principle enough to vindicate at the same time the just rights of the nation, and to withstand every act of injustice either to the monarch or his attached and loyal subjects.

surprise us who have already before
scen Episcopius and his fellows brow-racters."
beaten at the bar of Bogerman, when
now we see Episcopacy and her fol-
lowers humbled to their knees, and
that not degradation enough, before
the lordly and all-potent Parliament
of Britain?

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666 'We poor souls,' says Bishop Hall, in his Hard Measure,' who little thought that we had done any thing that might deserve a chiding, are now called to our knees at the bar, and charged severally with high treason; being not a little astonished at the suddenness of this crimnination, compared with the perfect innocence of our own intentions, which were only to bring us to our due places in parliament with safety and speed, without the least purpose of any man's offence.'

"As the bishops' lodgings were scattered, it was eight o'clock at night, Dec. 30 [1641], in all the extremity of frost,' when all the bishops appeared, except the bishop of Llandaff, who was ordered to be brought up the next day. They were sequestered from parliament and committed to the Tower." Hall, p. 279.

The kind of respect uniformly shewn to these persons by the House, is a mystery, only to be resolved by those who believe the leaders of the Commons to have been still affected well to church and state; whilst the immediate charges against our << poor bishops" are unworthy any thing but the terrific puerility of large bodies of men combined in an unjust purpose. They had been forcibly excluded from their seats in Parliament, by the patriotic outcries of the London apprentices and others, called to do the work outside the House, which the Presbyterian advocates were, in more gentle sort, transacting within. The bishops, like bold rather than wise men, committed their hands to a protest against such acts as were not done in their presence, or with their concurrence, in the House. Their actions, looks, and thoughts, bad been long scanned with more than Roman scrutiny, to find a plea for proscription and excision. It was enough for all, or for any one of them during these initial threats

Before we proceed, however, finally to the short and simple details of Bishop Hall's "Hard Measure" till the very close of life, we must carry on still a few moments longer our remarks on this apparently extraor dinary religious revolution; which we think we have thus far traced as in close connexion and analogy with the preceding transactions in the Belgic quarrel. It has been much the fashion of writers, supported by the authority of Hume, to trace the progress of civil and religious liberty, in this country to the Puritans; and this may be very true in the general way thus stated. But as to the barons of King John just mentioned, we are indebted, in their pride and their greatness, for that Magna Charta which took us out of the monarch's hand, for the prime and gentle purpose of putting us into their own; so much of the merit of the Parliamentarians consisted in this, that they were enabled to utter a loud cry of discontent at evils which the headstrong and impetuous folly of their civil and ecclesiastical rulers had imposed upon them; and that when they found themselves able to obtain a hearing, and effectual redress for these evils, they seized the opportunity, with eagerness, for

fixing a yoke of government in church and state perfectly tyrannical on every rank and order of the kingdom. The final result of liberty to the subject, restriction to the monarch, and security to both, we do not, therefore, owe to their wisdom or rectitude: it was as purely accidental, or we should say providential, though in natural consequence, as the clearing of the air after a hurricane.

That the Presbyterian party, indeed, were not essentially lovers of any liberty except their own, we think must be clear from a multitude of considerations arising out of the history before us. As seen in connexion with their prototypes of Belgium, what is clearer than the intention of both to erect a distinct religious tyranny of their own, in lieu of that which they so violently displaced. The same busy and graceless intermeddling between politics and piety; the same contemptuous and personal invective, whether provoked, as in Britain, or for the most part unprovoked, as in Belgium; the same renunciation by name of the hated term toleration; with all that accompanying political chicane, which did not pretend to fairness, nor, in Holland, even to the dignity of a wholesome retaliation for injuries received, we think prove to demonstration, that they were alike far too busily concerned in their own interests, and in the promotion of their own peculiar views, to have any leading regard from first to last for the higher and more important ends of Christian peace and charity. We are inclined to believe, that there was a settled principle, no less in the Long Parliament and the Westminster Assembly of Divines, than in the counterpart of the latter, the Synod of Dort, to carry certain views of doctrine and discipline at all risks, and to the exclusion of all others. The political men, it is very true, might have been possessed of that measure and degree of self-importance, which, without any very

distinct plan, contents itself with taking decisive order against all it imagines to be disorder; avenging for the past, or redressing for the future, as it might happen. But the religious men, at least of the Presbyterian party, we conceive to have been animated with one general and commanding spirit, identified in their minds, with every thing sacred in religion, essential to Christianity, and vital to the soul; but yet inseparably associated with the doctrinal opinions, and resting on the ecclesiastical platform of Geneva*.

It was perhaps a sense of this, which partly explained, though it could not justify indeed, the measures taken by those who were pleased to call themselves the Orthodox, on the other side of the question. Such heterodox men, indeed, as Hall in our own country, and still more Arminius abroad, had anticipated the fair principles of legitimate religious toleration. But Laud and his associates, who knew nothing of such principles, madly determined to have recourse to force. They perceived the boiling up of the element. They found it grew hotter and hotter: they could not permit these little ebullitions to find their exit

And yet let us beware of doing wrong to the many eminent persons of that day, who took an active share in promoting the Revolution, as well religious as political, which then convulsed the kingdom; the heat and prejudice of the moment, but who, though unhappily partaking of were unquestionably animated by the highest and best principles, and whose writings (still a rich source of delight and testify to their close communion with improvement to the church of Christ) God, and their ardent zeal for his glory and the best interests of mankind. As for the death of Charles, it was not the the Independents, who, whatever else work of the Presbyterian party, but of may have been their faults, cannot be justly accused of an intolerant attachment to any system either of doctrine or disof our spiritual liberties. And as to the cipline. To them we owe the first germ unwarrantable measure of the trial and execution of Charles, it was partly deemed necessary to their own security; at least it certainly proceeded from no doctrinal or ecclesiastical preferences, but mainly from political considerations.

through a safety valve,-the special pleadings about a few harmless ceremonies; they increased the pressure in proportion as they marked and trembled at the danger: they added weight upon weight; piled up Ossa on Pelion, Royalty on Episcopacy, and Tyranny on Royalty, to prevent explosion. These only served to give concentration and force to the comparatively small and vapourish element underneath; till, at length, as was to be looked for, it exploded; and, with a concussion felt to the extremities of the empire, blew church

and state into atoms before it.

It was about this perilous moment, that Bishop Hall, having been, upon fair and honest bail, released from the tower, took his quiet walk down to his lodgings in Dean's Yard, Westminster. His pleasantry and love of social intercourse, led him as usual to his friends, of whom he had good store, in Westminster Hall. He had only The peaceful and tolerant bishop was no good neighbour to those above stairs. The all-seeing Parliament had instant knowledge of the presence of a "heinous offender," at large below. He was once more seized, he and the rest of his brethren, who were to pay the price of his illjudged stroll.

mistaken the moment.

"Back to the Tower again, from whence we came, thither we must go; and thither I went with a heavy, but, I thank God, not impatient heart.

"After we had continued there some six weeks longer, and earnestly petitioned to return to our several charges, we were on five-thousand-pound bond dismissed; with a clause of revocation at a short warning, if occasion should require.

"Thus having spent the time betwixt new-year's even and whitsuntide in those

safe walls, where we by turns preached every Lord's day to a large auditory of citizens, we disposed of ourselves to the places of our several abode.

till the times, growing every day more impatient of a bishop, threatened my silencing." Hall, p. 398.

It does not appear that on the second seizure of this venerable company, they had to kneel at the bar of the Commons; or in their passage down the Thames, “like felons in a barge, to shoot the bridge with no small peril in the dark." But it fully appears, that, after relinquishing the charge of high treason against them, the Commons, beyond all precedent of law, detained them on a lesser charge, as "delinquents of a very high nature;" and enacted that all their spiritual means should be taken away; only with a reservation of maintenance which, for Hall, amounted to four hundred pounds per annum; this latter clause being the only part of the sentence which was not carried into effect. We have before alluded to the feelings of those men, who, at this period, be it remembered, in 1641-2, before the actual effusion of civil blood, and still pretending (as Neal tells us), adherence to Episcopal jurisdiction, could thus in their cool deliberation act towards these poor unfortunate bishops. As for Hall, he was happy enough with his talk and his antithesis, and his quaint and pious effusions of eloquence, whether in the Tower or in the Cathedral; and, above all, with the thorough answer of a good conscience, which never seems to have forsaken him: and thus supported, he was prepared for those final dealings detailed in his "Hard Measure"-the hardest word which we believe (with rare exception) that he ever personally bestowed upon them.

The "heinous offence" of our excellent and truly Christian bishop lay, it is true, in deeds committed a little before this last protest of the

wich, whither addressing myself to Nor- bishops which had so outraged the

myself, wich, whither it was his Majesty's pleasure to remove me, I was at the first received with more respect than in such times I could have expected. There I preached, the day after my arrival, to a numerous and attentive people: neither was sparing of my pains in this kind ever since; CHRIST. OBSERV. No. 311.

Parliament. He had made a strong and cogent speech in his place in the House of Peers against the removal of bishops from that seat of political power. He stood in the way of the Root-and-Branch Petition, 4 U

and the Presbyterian designs of the Commons from the first moment of their gathering.

"Cuneta prius tentanda, sed immedicabile vulnus,

Ense recidendum,ne pars sincera trahatur," was the language of Presbyterianism erected into the solemn gravity of a reformer; and this was too effectually opposed by the real learning and weight of a scholar like Hall. This meek and conciliatory man had become an enemy by telling the truth. He feelingly observed:

magnanimity enough to forgive his former abuse of power. Bishop Hall, by a lenity, it must be allowed, proportional to the comparatively small offence which even his enemies could charge upon him, received his final discharge within a few months of his second confinement: but not before he had, with his brother bishops, given the testimony of their good conscience and devout minds in alternate preachings to their fellow-prisoners; and not before he had also penned his celebrated letter from the Tower, which Mr. Jones gives at full length, and which will stand as a model of composition,for purity of style, gravity of argument, humility, piety, and charity of spirit, so long as good taste, good sense, and good feeling shall be left upon the earth. We must unwill

to trace our released bishop once more on the wing, "like a bird out of the cage," to his new diocese of Norwich.

"Woe is me, with what words should I bewail the deplorable estate of these late times in this behalf! Let me appeal to your own eyes and ears. I know I speak to judicious Christians. Tell me whether ever you lived to see such an inundation of libellous, scandalous, malicious pamphlets, as have lately broke in upon us; not only against some particular persons which may have been faulty enough; but against the lawful and established go-ingly leave such interesting ground, vernment itself; against the ancient, allowed, legal forms of divine worship. Certainly, if we love the peace of this church and kingdom, we cannot but lament, and, to our power, oppose these insolencies. If reformation be the thing desired and aimed at, let not that man prosper, which doth not affect it, pray for it, bend his utmost endeavours to accomplish it: but is this the way to a Christian reformation, to raise slanders, to broach lying accusations against the innocent, to calumniate lawful and established authority? God forbid! These are the acts of him, that is the manslayer from the beginning. The holy God hates to raise his kingdom by the aid of the devil. Be as zealous as you will; but be, withal, just; be charitable; and endeavour to advance good causes, by only lawful means. And then, let him come within the compass of the curse of Meroz, that is not ready to assist and second you.” Hall, pp. 259, 260.

With this temper of mind on both sides did Bishop Hall take his second journey to the Tower; from whence, three years afterwards, Archbishop Laud was dragged to execution on Tower Hill. This was perhaps, of all others in those turbulent times, the most deliberate and gratuitous act of injustice, committed on a poor, helpless, old man; and not remonstrated against even by a whisper, that we find, from the most pious of his opponents: none of whom appears to have had

"He was not released from the Tower till May 5, 1642: in a few days after he came for the first time to his new diocese ; and he tells us that he was at first received with much greater respect than might have been expected in such troublesome times. The day after his arrival in Norwich, he preached in the cathedral to a numerous and attentive people,' and he was not sparing of his pains in this way,' till he was forbidden by men, and at last disabled by God." Hall, p. 304.

After this period our biographer refers the reader, as we must do also, to Clarendon, and other historians, "for a copious and detailed account of that scene of confusion, of blood-shedding, and miseries, which now ensued in consequence of the unhappy differences between the king and parliament. Truly it was a scene as horrible and shocking to humanity, as it was scandalous, cruel, and dishonourable to the English nation. Those times will be an indelible blot on the page of English history, and a disgrace to our country. But the troubles of those times, may, however, be viewed as wisely ordered rable lesson and warning to posterity, to [permitted] by Providence, as a memoguard against factious parties in religion and politics." Hall, pp. 307, 308.

The Bishop himself, to the eye of imagination, might indeed once more be considered as having been

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