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we find him, with his pen in his hand, addressing the States of Holland, stating

"In regard to the confession or declaration which he had delivered before them, so far was he from entertaining any doubts concerning it, that, on the contrary, in his deliberate judgment he considered it to agree in every particular with the word of God. He therefore per sisted in it; and with the faith which he had then professed he was prepared to appear, at that very moment, before the judgment-seat of Jesus Christ, the Son of God, and the Judge of both the living and the dead." Arminius, pp. 41, 42.

As the charity of his opponents, during this period, was interpreting every symptom of his disorder into a fulfilment of God's curse against the enemies of Jerusalem (Zech. xiv. 12; xi. 17) *, so

"Arminius still preserved his usual firmness of mind and placidity of temper. During the whole of his indisposition, he abated nothing of his cheerful converse and pleasing manners; he continued to shew his accustomed hilarity of countenance, and to manifest the same courteous

and gentle disposition,-while he ceased not to approach to God with most ardent prayers for himself and for the concord of the church of Christ. How frequent and how fervent were the ejaculations

which he breathed forth to Jesus Christ his Lord, under the pressure of his multiplied pains and distempers! What heavenly joys did he promise to himself! With what persevering faith did he expect and long for the last day which he would be permitted to spend upon earth! If his brethren knelt down to prayer in his presence, and if he were prevented from uniting with them in devotion on account of the strong pains which at that instant assailed him, he often desired them to wait till he had recovered from the paroxysm and regained his composure, that he might with them discharge this solemn and fraternal duty.

"The following are a few of the many

an obstruction in the optic nerve of the left eye, which produced great dimness." A formidable catalogue, but all now well known to attend that one primary and distressing disorder, loss of digestion-the not unfrequent accompaniment of a broken heart.

One of the more amusing efforts of his posthumous adversaries was ANAGRAMMATISING his name for his epitaph, and making JACOBUS ARMINIUS into VANI ORBIS AMICUS: which his friends at least matched by converting JACOBUS HARMINIS into HABUI CURAM SIONIS.

CHRIST. OBSERV. No. 310.

forms of prayer which he addressed to his heavenly Father: O thou great Shepherd, who by the blood of the everlasting covenant hast been brought again from the dead, Jesus, my Lord and Saviour, be present with me, a sheep of thine that is weak and afflicted!'

O Lord Jesus, thou faithful and merciful High Priest, who wast pleased in all things to be tempted as we are, yet without sin, that, being taught by such experience how hard and painful a thing it is to obey God in sufferings, thou mightest be touched with the feelings of our infirmities,-have mercy upon me, succour me thy servant, who am now laid on a bed of sickness and oppressed with these numerous maladies. O thou God of my salvation, render my soul fit for thy heavenly kingdom and prepare my body for the resurrection.'” Arminius, pp. 44, 45.

The faithful Uitenbogardt and Adrian Borrius, both united to him in the strictest bonds of ancient friendship and mutual participation of dangers, performed for him the last rites of Christian friendship.

"Borrius was most assiduous in performing the daily office of prayers for the dying saint. At length, on the nineteenth day of October, about noon, after this faithful servant of God had valiantly fulfilled all the duties of his warfare, had finished his course, had fought the good fight, and had kept the faith, with his eyes lifted up to heaven, amidst the earhe calmly rendered up his spirit unto nest prayers of those who were present,

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God the Father his Creator, to the Son his Redeemer, and to the Holy Ghost his Sanctifier, while each of the spectators exclaimed, O my soul, let me die the death of the righteous! In this placid manner Arminius resigned his spirit, tired as it was of the cares of this world, and satiated with toils and afflictions ;-but it had bealready favoured with a blessed foretaste gun greatly to long for its liberation, was of the joys of the saints, and seemed to behold Christ its God and its Redeemer." Arminius, p. 46.

His will was found to testify to that for which his life was resigned, his desire to understand, advance, and propagate, according to his knowledge (for we are neither advocating nor refuting his doctrinal system), Christian truth, piety, and holiness. The following is an extract from this document.

"Above all, I commend my soul, on its departure out of the body, into the hands of God, who is its Creator and faithful Saviour; before whom also I tes

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all the doctrines advanced by me, have been such as might conduce to the propagation and increase of the truth of the Christian religion, of the true worship of God, of general piety, and of a holy conversation among men,—and such as might contribute, according to the word of God, to a state of tranquillity and peace well befitting the Christian name; and that from these benefits I have excluded the Papacy, with which no unity of faith, no bond of piety or of Christian peace, can be preserved." Arminius, pp. 45, 46.

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tify, that I have walked with simplicity if we were to proceed into the merits and sincerity, and in all good conscience,' of those doctrinal questions which in my office and vocation; that I have guarded with the greatest solicitude and seem too big for suppression at this care, against advancing or teaching any moment, we should say, that both thing, which, after a diligent search into these divines were led into the nothe Scriptures, I had not found exactly to agree with those sacred records; and that velties of their system, by the overwhelming dread they felt at the excessive and perverted uses of the doctrine of election. These were such as to overlay the simple, unsophisticated and scriptural generaliConfessions. They were such as ties of Germanic, Helvetic, or Belgic justly to be described as "needing a toleration, far more than the most palpable anti-Calvinism of their opponents." They were often summed up in a few crude particulars, which some advocates of those days honestly avowed, or openly asserted, as the necessary results of their doctrine. And when positions the most revolting (such as those which made God more or less the author of fore-ordained sin, and man more or less the helpless victim of foreordained punishment), were sustained by metaphysics the most contemptible (such as severed the justice of God from His mercy), these real philosophers, and their followers, could not but remonstrate against such abuses.-They remon

Thus have we done what justice Mr. Nichols, we presume, would require of us; that which we consider also the debt of truth to his hero Arminius. We rank him very high in placing him, not merely above his enemies in temper, for that were small praise; but in placing him among the peace-makers, to the best of his ability, and the peace-lovers. He was a courageous and unflinching confessor of what he deemed to be truth: but it was in a spirit of humility, and in the meek abiding of Christian charity. In doctrine shall we place him low, if we place him much on a level with his exact predecessor in age, the melancholy and interesting Melanchthon? We believe the points of resemblance between them will be found greater than is ordinarily supposed *. And,

* Particularly, and very remarkably we might say, in their general approbation, use, and even profound admiration of Calvin's works, and Calvin's mind.—" After the holy Scriptures (the perusal of which I earnestly inculcate more than any other person, as the whole university as well as the consciences of my colleagues will testify), I exhort the students to read the Commentaries of Calvin, on whom I bestow higher praise than Helmichius ever did, as he confessed to me himself. For I tell them, that he is incomparable in the interpretation of Scripture; and that his Commentaries ought to be held in greater estimation, than all that is delivered to us in the writings of the ancient Christian fathers: so that, in a certain eminent spirit of prophecy, I give the eminence to him beyond most others, in

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deed beyond them all. I add, that, with regard to what belongs to common places, his Institutes must be read after the CateBut to all this I subjoin the remark, that chism, as a more ample interpretation. they must be perused with cautious choice, like all other human compositions.” Armiminius? Even so! in a letter dated May 3, nius, pp. 295, 296.-Is this thy voice, ArHooker might say the same. But the mo1607, not two years before his death. dern anti-Calvinist would hold it unfit to praise Calvin for a preface, or even for his well known elegant Latin. See Dean Kipling. We need not speak of Melanchthon in vertheless, with Arminius's views on electhis particular, whose later agreement, netion seems well nigh admitted on all hands. election thus: "Do we believe because we Arminius has stated the whole question of have been elected? or, "Are we elected knowledge of those questions now posbecause we believe?" How delightful the sessed by such spirits as those of Calvin, Arminius, and Melanchthon, whilst they bliss in one measure for ever! "clasp inseparable hands with joy and

strated, it is true; but, it is to be feared, too much on their own part in that very spirit of philosophy which they had learned from the others; and thus, by little and little, deviated into doctrines of an opposite nature, and no less derogatory to the Divine Being, As the mere philosophic Calvinist thus tended towards Manicheism, so the philosophic Arminian thus tended towards Pelagian and Socinian heresies; both, properly considered, the result of irreverently or philosophically tampering with the mysteries of Revelation. Explanations and defences of Divine mysteries we have always thought to be most hazardous, and never more so than in treating of God's predestination. Simply to prove that solemn doctrine from the declarations of Scripture is

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course of a very different tendency: and is guarded at once by the undoubted fact, that unlimited mercy and conditional salvation (we use the phrase for want of a better-not as altogether admiring it) are equally capable of demonstration from the same records. If Calvinists had confined themselves to this one ground of argument, we question much if they would ever have been shaken from their once secure possession of the entire territory of the glorious Reformation. And if Arminius had abstained from his " twenty metaphysical reasons against, in answer to the twenty metaphysical reasons for, the suspected doctrine, we doubt if he would ever have fallen a premature victim to the rage of party, or dragged his few highminded and independent associates into ultimate proscription and ruin. Whilst the friends of Arminius were with tears of unavailing regret marking his peaceful flight beyond the region of this lower and turbulent atmosphere, and exclaiming with Bertius, in the language of Scripture, "My father, my father, the chariots of Israel and the horsemen thereof!" the pious good humoured Hall was about, as we have seen, to exchange the obscurity of Halsted for the

more distinguished cure of Waltham, under the patronage of the Earl of Norwich. This he entered as Dr. Hall in 1612: having previously skir mished with the sect of the Brownists, who had of course a branch in troubled Holland, and having been taken up by one Smith, whom Hall addresses, and who, our biographer states,

"advanced and maintained the doctrines of free-will and universal redemption, and similar tenets, afterwards espoused by Arminius." Hall, p. 55.

We have seen our Doctor at this time introduced to Royal favour by his acquaintance with Prince Henry at Richmond. In allusion to this his own narrative continues:—

"In the second year of mine attendance on his Highness, when I came for my dismission from that monthly service, it pleased the prince to command me રી longer stay; and, at last, upon mine allowed departure, by the mouth of Sir Thomas Challoner, his governor, to tender unto me a motion of more honour and fathat it was his Highness' pleasure and vour than I was worthy of: which was, purpose, to have me continually resident at the court as a constant attendant, while the rest held on their wonted vicissitudes: obtain for me such preferments as should for which purpose, his Highness would yield me full contentment. I returned my humblest thanks, and my readiness to sacrifice myself to the service of so gracious of my unanswerableness to so great exa master; but, being conscious to myself pectation, and loath to forsake so dear and noble a patron, who had placed much of his heart on me, I did modestly put it off, and held close to my Waltham : where, in a constant course, preached a long time, as I had done also at Halstead before, thrice in the week; yet never durst I climb into the pulpit to preach any sermon whereof I had not before, in my poor and plain fashion, penned every word in the same order wherein I hoped to deliver it; although, in the expression, I listed not to be a slave to syllables." Hall, pp. 57, 58.

The twenty-two years during which Dr. Hall held this living, saw him successively Prebendary of Wolverhampton, with more honour than emolument it would appear; three times engaged in foreign travel under royal orders; and finally Dean of Worcester. This last dignity followed as a kind of recompense for his first expedition in at

tendance on Lord Viscount Doncaster, ambassador to France in 1617, which ended very disastrously to the bodily feelings of our divine, in a dysentery; and, to convey him home,

"A litter was provided; but of so little ease, that Simeon's penitential lodging, or a malefactor's stocks, had been less penal. I crawled down from my close chamber into that carriage: In quâ videbaris mihi efferri, tanquam in sandapilá, as Mr. Moulin wrote to me afterward." Hall, p. 65.

His second expedition was, immediately afterwards, to Scotland, on the fruitless progress of King James; fruitless, except in the disgrace of broken commands and slighted authority; from which Dr. Hall made a speedy and rather questionable retreat, on the excuse of his services being not required north of Edinburgh,-but, perhaps, because they had been more accept able throughout to the pious Scotch, than to the worldly James. On this expedition, James proclaimed his illfated Book of Sports, for the employment of the Sunday upon enlightened anti-puritanical principles: on which, in conjunction with many other measures of those times of gathering,' it were only needful for us to say, that they seemed the result of infatuation. We are, indeed, entirely released from the necessity of saying more, by the seasonable silence of our worthy bishop on the same subject: in all

whose works

"we find no allusion to, or any remarks made upon, this declaration for sports. The good bishop probably passed over such a violation of God's law in silence, out of respect, and from obedience, to the powers that be for conscience' sake. But it would have been well, if he had left us a testimony of his decided disapprobation of such a violation of the Sabbath; or that he had written purposely on the morality of the Lord's day." Hall, pp. 143, 144.

We have to thank our biographer for very large extracts from Harris's Charles I. and James I. on this and other subjects.

The third expedition of our rising and courtly divine, undertaken by

Royal command, was that in which we are at present more immediately concerned; namely, his expedition in company with Bishop Carleton of Llandaff; Dr. Davenant, Margaret, Professor and Master of Queen's College, Cambridge; Dr. Ward, Master of Sydney College, and Archdeacon of Taunton, to attend in King James's name the Synod of DORT. That King James, who had just before insulted at once the laws or God and man by his blasphemous Book of Sunday Sports; that he, who had long since, under his own favourite motto, "No bishop, no king!" cried down every thing, not only Presbyterian in discipline, but Puritan in doctrine, and (we had almost said) really pious in practice; and whose favour, like that of his son Charles, mainly displayed itself for the anti-Calvinist part of his clergy;-that King James should have felt any burst of sudden and disinterested zeal in behalf of principles strictly Calvinistic and Presbyterian, such as were in preparation for the approaching National Synod of the Dutch Churches,-is an hypothesis to which happily we need not resort, for the explanation of his complaisant mission to that Synod. The circumstances of the whole transaetion, from first to last, were political. King James was too wary, as wel as self-sufficient a politician, not to accept the flattering and important invitation from the master spirit of the Dutch Republic: and the temper of the divines sent by him, as well as of his instructions given, clearly prove his intention from the first to have been not opposition, but acquiescence; not discussion, but decision.

A short return must here be made to the circumstances of Holland after Arminius's death. About this period, or rather before, in 1608, we meet with a very significant historical notice in Brandt, which we shall give in his words, as a sort of key to all that followed. The United Provinces, be it observed, were still struggling with their foreign

enemies, the Spaniards. Prince Maurice, son to the late immortal Prince of Orange, was the commander of their troops. The States General accomplished a truce with their enemies for the space of twelve years; under the hope that final pacification, without more of bloodshed and confusion, would be the result. "This truce," says Brandt, "brought about chiefly by the management of the Heer John Van Olden BARNEVELT, advocate of Holland, contrary to the mind of Prince Maurice, General of the States' troops, occasioned a coldness between them; which in time gave a handle to the most violent of the clergy, who had long before looked upon the advocate as an enemy of the church, to turn their faces towards that prince, and to court his protection." The plain sense of this is this: ecclesiastical passage affairs now began to take a secular turn. The baleful and deadly leaven of politics mingled with the pure, primitive, and reformed Christianity. The mild, blameless, and patriotic Barnevelt, the beau ideal of all historical portraiture at once, from the integrity of his life and the tragedy of his death, had embraced Arminian sentiments. He, with the States General at large, leaned to the principles of Arminius, who deferred all to their authority in ecclesiastical polity, the calling of Synods, the confirmation of church censures. Or, if other reasons there were, yet this was reason enough, for Prince Maurice declaring himself a Calvinist. These were evidently the strongest, most numerous, and influential religious party. And, after declaring himself, very truly, rude in religious knowledge, bred in camps, and wholly unused to the schools, he throws himself, with his whole weight of arts and arms into the scale of the Calvinists (Gomarists, we should say); and even, to shew his consistency, attends the little assemblies of that persuasion, according to the then independent fashion of both

sides, when not suited with teachers to their mind in the church. He ≫ becomes the Cromwell of the party; with only this distinction, that nei ther at first nor last does evidence appear with respect to his religious tenets, that he knew either what he said or whereof he affirmed. His ruling passion was ambition; his law the sword. His plan was, war to extermination against all the enemies of the Republic, and it was generally understood with the view of placing himself at its head. If report says true, he died in the same resemblance to Cromwell in which he lived.

"In a letter which Episcopius address. ed to Taurinus in 1641, he incidentally spiritual consolation which Bogerman administered to a sick man. I recollect to have read in an account of a conversation which Bogerman held with Prince Maurice during his illness, that the sick prince asked him, How can those passages of Scripture which promise grace and pardon to penitents, apply to me, since I do not discover within myself any of that serious repentance or contrition?' Bogerman replied, Do you not feel within yourself a willingness or wish to repent?'-When the Prince said, that he certainly had a feeling of that kind, Bogerman rejoined, This wish to be able to repent, is an infal lible token of REGENERATION. Arminius, p. 444.

mentions a curious circumstance about the

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We say resemblance only to Cromwell in a similar case; for the attempt of Mr. Nichols to fasten on this sentiment the charge of abusing the doctrine of" final perseverance," utterly fails. There is no allusion at all to the doctrine, " once in :" but rather grace, always in grace an ineffective appeal to an Arminian principle, that repentant desires are a good token on a dying bed. The eagerness of Mr. Nichols in this hunt after Calvinism, is indeed quite amusing. And his contre-point of the zealous Bogerman, throughout, really reminds us of the old proverb, "Two of a trade never agree." "Clodius accusat mæchos, Catilina Cethegum."

We should feel little disposed, even had we the time and space, to enter into the political intrigues which occupied the whole ensuing

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