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of the inquisitorial power; but its
actual commencement seems suffi-
ciently ascertained by the period
when the bishops were first deprived
of their ancient and exclusive right
of trying and punishing for heresy.
Now this was not till the year 1203,
when Pope Innocent III. laid the
first stone of this Pandemonium, by
giving a commission to two monks
to preach against the Albigenses.
By this act, a right of spiritual
scrutiny was recognised indepen-
dently of episcopal authority; and
this is what constitutes the Inquisi-
tion, properly so called. The poor
Albigenses were its earliest victims.
At first it met with great opposition
from the feudal chiefs; upon whom,
however, Rome found means to
practise her arts too successfully,
by threatening to release their sub-
jects from their oath of allegiance.
The murder of the pope's legate,
Peter de Castelnau, by some of the
persecuted party, whom "oppression
had made mad," gave a powerful
impulse to the machine, now set in
motion. This was in 1208. Dominic,
originally a canon of the order of
St. Augustine, was, with the fra-
ternity which he founded, and
which bore his name, foremost in
this warfare. He it was who esta-
blished a lay order which went by
the name of the militia of Christ-
a tremendous misnomer truly!-
and of which the individuals, as
forming part of the inquisitorial
family, were called familiars; a
name sufficient, from the associa-
tions connected with it, to make
the blood run cold. The Em-
peror Frederic II., at his coro-
nation, gave the new tribunal the
sanction of civil law. It had been
introduced into France; but it never
gained any firm footing in that
country. A striking consequence,
which immediately arose out of its
establishment, was the decree pro-
hibiting laymen from reading the
Scriptures in the vulgar tongue; a
decree first passed in 1229 ;-so
comparatively modern is this inno-
vation of Popery, which has perhaps

We do not here deem it neces sary to enter upon the history of persecution in general; still less to vindicate the Scriptures of the New Testament from the charge of giving the smallest encouragement to its spirit. It is very worthy of notice, that the most severe temporal sentence enjoined by our Saviour, is that of excommunication, grounded on the right which every voluntary association justly assumes, of excluding from its number those who obstinately persist in refusing conformity to its laws. Let it then suffice to observe, that, through the infirmity and corruption of human nature, the spirit of persecution crept in with the attainment of power; and that, during the dark ages which followed the legal establishment of the Christian religion under Constantine, the discipline of the church gradually degenerated into bigotry, violence, and cruelty. This spirit naturally kept pace with the ambition and encroachments of the see of Rome. In a succession of centuries, however, the trial and punishment of those suspected of schism and heresy, constituted part of the prerogative of the bishops, in their respective dioceses, and came exclusively within their control. As a sample of the exercise of their power in Spain, it may be observed, that from the fourth council of Toledo, in the year 633, to the sixteenth in 693, various decrees were passed against infidels, idolaters, and heretics; but the penalties were confined to deprivation, confiscation of property, fines, imprisonment, and whipping. There appears to have been no torture inflicted, in the inquisitorial sense of the word; and the first instance (under Christian princes) of the actual burning of heretics seems not to have occurred before 1022, when, in consequence of a decree of the episcopal council at Orleans, one Stephen, confessor to Queen Constance, with others, underwent this punishment. Various eras have been laid down by historians as marking the commencement

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done more to prolong its dominion than all other circumstances put to gether. Of the penal inflictions of the ancient Inquisition, or first form of this tribunal; the following extract will furnish a short, but a sufficient sample.

"In 1302 Father Bernard was inqui sitor of Arragon, and celebrated several autos-da-fé in the same year.

"In 1308 Pope Clement V. commanded the king of Arragon and the inquisitors to arrest all the knights templars, who had not been persecuted, and to confiscate their property for the use of the holy see; the templars in Castile and Portugal were also arresed.

"In 1314, other heretics were discovered in the kingdom of Arragon. Bernard Puigarcos the inquisitor-general condemned several to banishment; the others were burnt. Many who abjured were reconciled.

"In 1325, F. Arnauld Burguete, inquisitor-general of the kingdom, arrested Fierre Durand de Baldhac, who had relapsed into heresy; and he was burnt alive in the presence of king James, his sons, and two bishops.

others: he was not permitted to defend himself, because his crime was proved. He was asked if he would abjure the heresy of which he acknowledged himself guilty. If he consented, he was reconciled, and the canonical penance was imposed on him with some other punishment; if he refused, he was declared an obstinate heretic, and was delivered up to secular justice, with a copy of his sentence.

"If the accused denied the charge, and undertook to defend himself, a copy of the process was given to him, but without the names of the accuser or the witnesses, and with every circumstance omitted which might lead to their discovery.

"The accused was asked if he had enemies, and if he knew their motives for hating him. He was also permitted to declare that he suspected any particular person of wishing to ruin him. In either case the proof was admitted, and the inquisitor considered it in passing judgment. The inquisitor sometimes asked the accused if he knew certain persons: these individuals were the accusers and witnesses! if he replied in the negative, he could not afterwards challenge them as enemies in the course of time, every one concluded that these persons were the accusers and the witnesses, and the custom was abandoned. The accused person was also permitted to appeal to the pope, who rejected or admitted his appeal, according to the rules of justice. There was no redis-gular proceeding before the Inquisition, and the judges did not fix a time to establish the proof of the facts. After the replies and defence of the accused, the inquisitor and the bishop of the diocese, or their delegates, proceeded to pass sentence without any other formalities. If the accused denied the charges, although he was convicted or strongly suspected, he was tortured to force him to confess his crime; or, if it was thought that there was no necessity for it, the judges proceeded to pass the final sentence.

"In 1334, F. William da Costa condemned F. Bonato to the flames, and reconciled many persons who had been perverted by that monk.

"In 1350, Father Nicholas Roselli covered a sect of heretics named Begards, whose chief was named Jacques Juste: they were all reconciled, and Jacques was condemned to perpetual imprisonment. The bones of three of these heretics who had died impenitent were disinterred and burnt. Roselli being elected cardinal in 1356, Nicholas Eymerich succeeded him. Eymerich composed a book entitled 'The Guide of Inquisitors,' in which the most minute details of his judgments, and those of other inquisitors of Arragon, are found." pp. 17, 18.

For putting our readers in possession of the spirit and proceedings of this form of the execrable system, a longer extract is required.

"The inquisitor interrogated the witnesses, assisted by the recorder and two priests, who were commissioned to observe if the declarations were faithfully taken down, and to be present when they were read to the witnesses, who were then asked if they acknowledged all that was read to them. If the crime or suspieion of heresy was proved in the information, the criminal was arrested and taken to the ecclesiastical prison. After his arrest, he was examined, and his answers compared with the testimony of the witnesses. If the accused confessed himself guilty of one heresy, it was in vain for him to assert that he was innocent of the

"If the crime imputed to the accused was not proved, he was acquitted, and a copy of the declaration given to him; but

cated. If he had been calumniated, he was obliged to clear himself publicly by the canonical method, in the town where it had taken place; he afterwards abjured all heresy, and received the absolution ad cautelam for all the censures which he had incurred. In order to proportion the into three degrees, named slight, serious, punishment to the suspicion, it was divided and violent.

the name of his accuser was not communi

"The person who was declared to be suspected, though in the least degree, was called upon to renounce all heresies, and

"The absolution ad cautelam is that granted by inquisitors to persons who have been suspected of heresy."

particularly that of which he was suspected. If he consented, he was reconciled, and was subjected to punishments and penances: if he refused, he was excommunicated; and if he did not demand absolution, or promise to abjure after the space of one year, he was considered as an obstinate heretic, and proceeded against as such. If the accused was a formal heretic willing to abjure, and not guilty of having relapsed, he was reconciled with pe

nances.

The

"A person was considered as relapsed if he had already been condemned, or violently suspected of the same errors. The abjurations were made in the place where the inquisitor resided, sometimes in the episcopal palace, in the convent of Dominicans, or in the house of the inquisitor, but most generally in the churches. Sunday before this ceremony, the day on which it was to take place was announced in all the churches of the town, and the inhabitants were requested to attend the sermon, which would be preached by the inquisitor against heresy. On the appointed day the clergy and the people assembled round a scaffold, where the person slightly suspected stood bare-headed, that he might be seen by every one. The mass was performed, and the inquisitor preached against the particular heresy which was the cause of the ceremony; he announced that the person on the scaffold was slightly suspected of having fallen into it, and read the process to the people; he concluded by saying, that the culprit was ready to abjure. A cross and the Bible were given to the offender, who read his abjuration, and signed it, if he could write: the inquisitor then gave him absolution, and imposed upon him those penances which were thought most useful.

"When the suspicion of heresy was violent, the auto-da-fe took place on a Sunday, or festival-day, and all the other churches were closed, that the concourse of people might be greater in that where the ceremony was to be performed. The offender was warned, not only to be a good Catholic for the future, but to conduct himself in such a manner as not to be ac

cused a second time; as, if he relapsed, he would suffer capital punishment, although he might abjure and be reconciled. If the offender was suspected in the highest degree, he was treated as an heretic, and wore the habit of a penitent during the ceremony: it was composed of brown stuff, with a scapulary which had two yellow

crosses fastened on it.

"If the suspected person was to clear himself from calumny by the canonical method, the ceremony was also announced before it took place; and he was obliged to take an oath that he was not an heretic, and to produce twelve witnesses who had known him for the last ten years, to swear that they believed his affirmation to be true. He then abjured all heresies.

"If the accused was repentant, and demanded to be reconciled after having relapsed, he was to be delivered over to secular justice, and was destined to suffer capital punishment. The inquisitors, after having passed judgment on him, engaged some priests, who were in their confidence, to inform him of his situation, and induce him to demand the sacrament of penance and the communion. When these ministers had passed two or three days with the prisoner, an auto-da-fé was announced; the sentence was read which delivered the culprit over to secular justice, and recommended the judges to treat him with humanity.

"If the accused was an impenitent heretic, he was condemned, but the autoda-fé was never celebrated until every means had been tried to convert him; if he was obstinate, he was delivered up to the justice of the king, and burnt. If the unfortunate heretic had relapsed, it was in vain for him to return to the true faith; he could not avoid death, and the only favour shewn him was, that he was first strangled, and afterwards burnt. Those who escaped from the prisons, or fled to avoid being arrested, were burnt in effigy." pp. 25–29.

We come now to the establishment of what our author denominates the modern Inquisition of Spain. This distinction is not without reason. There were various circumstances which strikingly distinguished the Inquisition, as remodelled under Ferdinand and Isa. bella, from the same tribunal, as it had existed previously for more than two hundred and fifty years. The reformed Inquisition, as it was termed, was in fact the Inquisition under a more hideous and tremendous aspect. It was marked by various circumstances of aggravation; by the appointment of an inquisitor general, armed with such power and influence, as to be almost a rival to the pope himself, and more than a match for the long succession of weak or bigotted princes who filled the Spanish throne; by the more secret and systematic nature of its proceedings; by the very enlarged range of its operations; and by the greater severity and cruelty of its punishments. This tribunal is to be dated from 1481, when the dread Torquemada was appointed first inquisitor-general.

The humanity of Isabella for

some time resisted the improvements which her confessor was anxious to introduce into the system; but her weakness at length yielded to his remonstrances, and, aided by the character of the bigotted, despotic, and rapacious Ferdinand, produced the modern Inquisition. The work of oppression, injustice, torture, and death now went on rapidly. The prisons were filled, and the auto-dafés flamed continually. It would be incompatible with our limits to give even a brief sketch of the reigns of forty-five inquisitor-generals, who presided over this tribunal from 1480 to 1808. We can only afford room for a very few remarks and extracts. The Jews were the first victims. We give the following passage respecting them.

"The war against the Albigenses was the first cause of the establishment of the Inquisition; and the pretended necessity of punishing the apostasy of the newly-converted Spanish Jews was the reason for introducing it in a reformed state. It is important to remark, that the immense trade carried on by the Spanish Jews had thrown into their hands the greatest part of the wealth of the peninsula, and that they had acquired great power and influence in Castile under Alphonso IX., Peter I., and Henry II.; and in Arragon under Peter IV., and John I. The Christians, who could not rival them in industry, had almost all become their debtors, and envy soon made them the enemies of their creditors. This disposition was fostered by evil-minded men, and popular commotions were the consequence in almost all the towns of the two kingdoms. In 1391, five thousand Jews were sacrificed to the fury of the people in different towns. Several were known to have escaped death by becoming Christians: many others sought to save themselves in following their example, and in a short time more than a million persons renounced the Law of Moses to embrace the faith of Jesus Christ. The number of conversions increased considerably during the ten first years of the fifteenth century, through the zeal of St. Vincent, Ferrier, and several other missionaries: they were seconded by the famous conferences which took place in 1413 between several rabbis and the converted Jews, Jerome de Santafé. The converted Jews were named New Christians; they were also called Marranos, or the cursed race, from an oath which the Jews were in the habit of using among themselves. As the fear of death was the cause of most of these conversions,

many repented, and secretly returned to Judaism, though they outwardly conformed to Christianity. The constraint to which they were obliged to submit was sometimes too painful, and several were discovered. This was the ostensible reason for the establishment of a tribunal which gave Ferdinand an opportunity of confiscating immense riches, and which Sextus IV. could not but approve, as it tended to augment the credit of the maxims of the court of Rome: it is to these projects, concealed under the appearance of zeal for religion, that the Inquisition of Spain owes its origin." pp. 30-32.

The following passage presents so striking a picture of the united artifice, injustice, and cruelty of the misnamed holy office, that, long and painful as it is, we cannot withhold it from our readers.

"The inquisitors soon published a second edict, named the Edict of Grace, to engage those who had apostatized to surrender themselves voluntarily: it promised that, if they came with true repentance, their property should not be confiscated, and they should receive absolution; but if, on the contrary, they suffered the time of grace to elapse, or were denounced by others, they would be prosecuted with all the severity of the tribunal. Several suffered themselves to be persuaded, but the inquisitors only granted them absolution when they had declared upon oath the names, condition, and place of dwelling, of all the apostates whom they knew or had heard spoken of. They were also obliged to keep these revelations secret, and by these means a great number of New Christians fell into the hands of the inquisitors. When the period of grace was passed, a new edict was published, which commanded all persons to denounce those who had embraced the Judaic heresy, on pain of mortal sin and excommunication. The consequence of this edict was, that an heretic was only informed that he was accused, at the moment when he was arrested and dragged to the dungeons of the Inquisition.

"The same fate awaited the converted Jew, who might have acquired certain habits in his infancy, which, though not contrary to Christianity, might be represented as certain signs of apostasy. The inquisitors mentioned in their edict several cases where accusation was commanded. The following cases are so equivocal, that altogether they would scarcely form a simple presumption in the present time. A convert was considered as relapsed into heresy, if he kept the Sabbath out of respect to the Law which he had abandoned: this was sufficiently proved if he wore better linen and garments on that day than those which he commonly used, or had not a fire in his

different canonical punishments." pp.
34-37.

house from the preceding evening; if he
took the suet and fat from the animals
which were intended for his food, and
washed the blood from it; if he examined
the blade of the knife before he killed the
animals, and covered the blood with earth;

if he blessed the table after the manner of

the Jews; if he has drunk of the wine

named caser (a word derived from caxer, which means lawful), and which is prepared by Jews; if he pronounces the bahara or benediction when he takes the vessel of wine into his hands, and pronounces certain words before he gives it to another person; if he eats of an animal killed by Jews; if he has recited the Psalms of David without repeating the Gloria Patri at the end; if he gives his son a Hebrew name chosen among those used by the Jews; if he plunges him seven days after his birth into a basin containing water, gold, silver, seed-pearl, wheat, barley, and other substances, pronouncing at the same time certain words, according to the custom of the Jews; if he draws the horoscope of his children at their birth; if he performs the ruaya, a ceremony which

consists in inviting his relations and friends to a repast the day before he undertakes a journey; if he turned his face to the wall at the time of his death, or has been placed in that posture before he expired; if he was washed, or caused to be washed, in hot water the body of a dead person, and interred him in a new shroud, with hose, shirt, and a mantle, and placed a piece of money in his mouth; if he has uttered a discourse in praise of the dead, or recited melancholy verses; if he has emptied the pitchers and other vessels of water in the house of the dead person, or in those of his neighbours, according to the custom of the Jews; if he sits behind

the door of the deceased as a sign of grief, or eats fish and olives instead of meat, to honour his memory; if he remains in his house one year after the death of any one, to prove his grief. All these articles shew the artifice used by the inquisitors in order to prove to Isabella that a great number of Judaic heretics existed in the Idioceses of Cadiz and Seville. These measures so well adapted to multiply victims, could not fail in their effect, and the tribunal soon began its cruel executions. On the 6th of January, 1481, six persons were burnt, seventeen on the 26th of March following, and a still greater number a month after; on the 4th of November, the same year, two hundred and ninety-eight New Christians had suffered the punishment of burning, and seventy

nine were condemned to the horrors of perpetual imprisonment in the town of Seville alone. In other parts of the pro

vince and in the diocese of Cadiz, two thousand of these unfortunate creatures were burnt: according to Mariana, a still greater number were burnt in effigy, and one thousand seven hundred suffered

Many of the wretched victims of
the Inquisition appealed from the
Spanish tribunal to Rome, and
spent the greater part of their for-
tunes in endeavouring to obtain
absolutions from the pope. The
pope took their money, and granted
the pardons they solicited.
mark the abominable system! Upon
But,
the expostulation of the inquisitors,
and from an apprehension of of-
fending Ferdinand, their ready tool
on all occasions, the pope after-
wards annulled his own absolutions,
thus plainly striking at the root of
his pretended infallibility, and left
the sufferers to their fate; and, as
their money could now no longer
be of any use to them, he kept it
in safe possession.

The consequence of this persecu-
tion of the Jews was, that in addi-
tion to the numbers who were
sacrificed, either by popular fury,
or by the slow tortures of the holy
office, eight hundred thousand
persons quitted their native land.
less than two millions of subjects,
First and last, Ferdinand lost not
through emigrations occasioned by
the fear of suffering and death.

Let our readers weigh well the following miscellaneous particulars, which we have selected and thrown together. The prisoner, who, after much suffering, was at length acquitted, was denied the common justice of being made acquainted with the names of his accuser. The victims were not informed of their respective sentences, until the commencement of the execution; consequently, while those who were relaxed (so burning was denominated) had their worst expectations and fears accomplished, those who were reconciled, and sentenced to minor punishments, had still to endure all the miseries of uncertainty, and must have often realized in imagination the horrors of the auto da fé. It may be supposed, that many who read of the burnings in effigy, console themselves with

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