JOHN REDMOND

IRELAND AND THE WAR

Speech in the House of Commons on August 3, 1914.

The speech of Sir Edward Grey, explaining the causes leading to the War, was followed by speeches, pledging support, by Mr. Bonar Law, Leader of the Opposition, and by Mr. John Redmond. Mr. Bonar Law, among other things, said: "Not a single member in this House doubts that not only the right honorable gentleman himself, but also the Government he represents, have done everything in their power up to the last minute to preserve peace."

The following speech given by Mr. John Redmond made a profound impression. For some time the agitation over the question of Home Rule in Ireland had seemed to promise civil war. The leaders of both sides, however, expressed their willingness to postpone their differences in view of the national crisis. It was to this that Sir Edward Grey alluded when he said, "The one bright spot in the whole of this terrible situation is Ireland."

John Redmond was born in Ireland in 1851. In 1881 he was elected to Parliament. On Parnell's death he was chosen leader of the minority group. For thirty-seven years he was a member of Parliament and devoted his life to advancing the interests of the Irish nation. Throughout the war he was loyally devoted to the government. The force and dignity of his eloquence were admired by all. He died in 1918.

I HOPE the House will not consider it improper on my part, in the grave circumstances in which we are assembled, if I intervene for a very few moments. I was moved a great deal by that sentence in the speech of the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs in which he said that the one bright spot in the situation was the changed feeling in Ireland. In past times when this Empire has been engaged in these terrible enterprises, it is true-it would be the utmost affectation and folly on my part to deny it-the sympathy of the Nationalists of Ireland, for reasons to be found deep down in the centuries of

history, has been estranged from this country. Allow me to say that what has occurred in recent years has altered the situation completely. I must not touch, and I may be trusted not to touch, on any controversial topic. But this I may be allowed to say, that a wider knowledge of the real facts of Irish history has, I think, altered the views of the democracy of this country towards the Irish question, and to-day I honestly believe that the democracy of Ireland will turn with the utmost anxiety and sympathy to this country in every trial and every danger that may overtake it. There is a possibility, at any rate, of history repeating itself. The House will remember that in 1778, at the end of the disastrous American War, when it might, I think, truly be said that the military power of this country was almost at its lowest ebb, and when the shores of Ireland were threatened with foreign invasion, a body of 100,000 Irish Volunteers sprang into existence for the purpose of defending her shores. At first no Catholic-ah, how sad the reading of those days is!-was allowed to be enrolled in that body of volunteers, and yet, from the very first day the Catholics of the South and West subscribed money and sent it towards the arming of their Protestant fellow-countrymen. Ideas widened as time went on, and finally the Catholics in the South were armed and enrolled as brothers in arms with their fellow-countrymen of a different creed in the North. May history repeat itself! To-day there are in Ireland two large bodies of Volunteers. One of them sprang into existence in the North. Another has sprung into existence in the South. I say to the Government that they may to-morrow withdraw every one of their troops from Ireland. I say that the coast of Ireland will be defended from foreign invasion by her armed sons, and for this purpose the Nationalist Catholics in the South will be only too glad to join arms with the armed Protestant Ulstermen in the North. Is it too much to hope that out of this situation there may spring a result which will be good not merely for the Empire, but good for the future welfare and integrity of the Irish nation? I ought to apologize for having intervened, but while Irishmen generally are in favor of peace, and would desire to save the democracy of this country from all the horrors of war, while we would make every possible sacrifice for that pur

pose, still if the dire necessity is forced upon this country we offer to the Government of the day that they may take their troops away, and that if it is allowed to us, in comradeship with our brethren in the North, we will ourselves defend the coast of our country.

THEOBALD VON BETHMANN

HOLLWEG

GERMANY BEGINS THE WAR

This speech by the German Chancellor sets forth the causes of the War from the German point of view. When the speech was made, as the Chancellor proclaims, the German troops had already entered the neutral territories of Luxemburg and Belgium. The speech contains his apology, "We are now in a position of necessity and necessity knows no law," and also his promise of reparation, "The wrong that we now do we will try to make good again as soon as our military ends have been reached."

Theobald von Bethmann-Hollweg was born in 1856. He was educated at Bonn, where he formed the friendship with his fellowstudent, Emperor William. His career as an administrator and politician reached its height on his appointment as Chancellor in 1909. He was superseded during the War in 1917 and died in 1921. Speech in the Reichstag, August 4, 1914.

A TREMENDOUs crisis threatens Europe. Since we won for ourselves the German Empire and earned the respect of the world for forty-four years we have lived in peace and have protected the peace of Europe. By peaceful labor we waxed strong and mighty and consequently aroused envy. With firm endurance we have seen how, under the pretext that Germany was eager for war, enmity was fostered in the East and West and chains were forged against us. The wind thus sown now rises in storm. We wished to live on in peaceful labor and from the Kaiser to the youngest soldier went the unexpressed vow: Only in defense of a just cause shall our sword fly from its scabbard. [Applause.] The day when we must draw it has come upon us against our will, against our honest efforts. Russia has set the torch to the house. [Stormy shouts of "Quite

right!"] We are forced to war against Russia and France.

Gentlemen, a series of documents put together in the stress of events which are crowding upon one another, has been placed before you. Allow me to bring out the facts which characterize our attitude.

From the first moment of the Austro-Serbian crisis we declared that this affair must be restricted to Austria-Hungary and Serbia and we worked to that end. All the cabinets, especially that of England, represent the same point of view. Russia alone declared that she must have a word in the settlement of this dispute. With this the danger of European entanglements raised its threatening head. ["Very true!"] As soon as the first definite reports of military preparations in Russia were received, we stated to St. Petersburg in a friendly but emphatic way that warlike measures against Austria would find us on the side of our ally [Stormy applause] and that military preparations against ourselves would compel us to take counter measures [Renewed applause]; but mobilization is very near war. Russia gave us solemn assurances of her desire for peace. [Stormy cries "Hear, hear!"] And that she was making no military preparations against us. [Excitement.] In the meantime England sought to mediate between St. Petersburg and Vienna, in which she was warmly supported by us. ["Hear, hear!"] On July 28th the Kaiser besought the Czar by telegram to bear in mind that it was the right and duty of Austria-Hungary to defend herself against the Pan-Serbian agitation, which threatened to undermine Austria-Hungary's existence. [Hearty assent.] The Kaiser drew the attention of the Czar to the fact that the solidarity of monarchical interests was threatened by the crime of Sarajevo. ["Hear, hear!"] He begged him to give his personal support in clearing away the differences. At about the same time, and before the receipt of this telegram, the Czar on his side begged the Kaiser for his help, and asked him to advise moderation in Vienna. The Kaiser undertook the rôle of mediator. scarcely had the action ordered by him been started, when Russia mobilized all her forces directed against Austria-Hungary. ["Hear, hear!"] Austria-Hungary, however, had only mobilized those army corps which were directly aimed at Serbia

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