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omy, adapt it to the use of families, who will find both in-} THE BLIND GIRL, With other Tales., By Emma C. struction and profit by perusing it throughout; and its utility Embury. The name of the authoress is a sufficient guaras a book of reference should introduce it into every house-anty of their excellence; and the work does not disappoint hold." expectation. Drinker & Morris.

The number of engravings will be nearly one thousand. The work will be completed in 12 No's. We have received the first FIVE, from Drinker & Morris.

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The Illustrated and Pictorial Bible. No.'s 29 and 30; Have all been received, through Messrs. Drinker & Morris. LIBRARY OF SELECT NOVELS. No. 54. De Rohan; or the Court Conspirator. An Historical Romance. By M. Eugéne Sue.

Do. No. 55. Self. By the Author of " Cecil," " Put Gall in thy Ink, though thou write with a goose quill." How the author expended his gall, and whether or not he may not merit a little himself, we have had no opportunity of judg ing. Some time back, a new novel by a popular author could be read and reviewed at length in a Literary Journal. But it must be confessed that now this is utterly impossible. Really good novels are wholesome things, and from their fascination and wide dissemination, powerful instruments: our publishers, therefore, should, through those by whom they make their selections, guard well the public taste and morals.

We have also received, through Drinker & Morris,

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LEA & BLANCHARD. PHILADELPHIA, 1845. WRAXALL'S HISTORICAL MEMOIRS OF HIS OWN TIME. This work is already sufficiently known, to render any thing but a mere announcement of its arrival at Drinker and Morris' unnecessary. Drinker and Morris have also

sent us

THE NARRATIVE OF THE U. S. EXPLORING EXPEDITION. Vols. II., III., IV. and V., of the Ten dollar edition. Referring our readers to what has already been said of this extensive and important work, we can here only add that it contains much of the History of the World, com piled from materials procured at great labor and expense; and praise anew the taste, skill and enterprise of its publishers.

From THOMAS, COWPERTHWAIT, & Co.: PHIL'A
And CAREY & HART. 1845.

We have received, through Messrs. Perkins and Ball, on Shockoe Hill, the following useful books for young per sons, by their well-known friend, PETER PARLEY, and other favorite authors.

The Tales of Peter Parley, about America. With Engravings.

The Tales of Peter Parley, about Europe. With Engravings.

The Tales of Peter Parley, about Africa. With Engra: vings.

Outlines of American History. From the first discovery to the present time. For families and schools. With numerous Engravings, and Questions for the Examination of Pupils.

the Society for promoting Christian Knowledge. From the fourteenth London Edition, &c.

Outlines of the History of Rome. Prepared in the same way, and published under the same auspices. We commend them to parents and other teachers of chil

THE DUTCHMAN'S FIRESIDE. A Tale. By the author of
"Letters from the South," John Bull in America," "The
Backwoodsman," &c. Two vols. in one. Select Novels.
Outlines of the History of England. Prepared in the
We admire exceedingly the Literary character of Mr. same way, and published under the direction of the Com-
Paulding. He is a satirical and humorous, but moral wri-mittee of General Literature and Education, appointed by
ter, and deeply imbued with a spirit of Nationality. He is
also remarkable for his candor and impartiality on many sub-
jects that are apt to excite the feelings and prejudices of
those around him. For example, we may refer to his views
in relation to the South, so very different from those of his
Northern fellow citizens, and yet so worthy their adoption.dren.
His mind can in all things appreciate diversity of circumstan-
ces and never prescribes nor expects the same effects from dif-
ferent causes, nor endeavors to force things contrary to Na-
ture, into a Procrustean mould. He does not require Brother
Jonathan to be like John Bull; nor the Backwoodsman to
live and act according to the laws and usages of polished
Eastern Society, nor the South to conform to the notions
of the North. He views each, as it is, and with a keen
eye to the faults and vices of all, expects them to vary ac-
cording to their respective situations. This it seems to
us is the spirit of a philosopher.

NOTES, Explanatory and Practical, ON THE EPISTLES OF
PAUL to the Ephesians, Philippians, and Colossians.
Albert Barnes.

By

This is another of Barnes' series of practical commentaries. It is handsomely printed and published, and embellished by engravings of the ruins of the ancient cities, and of other things referred to in the work. Drinker and Morris have it.

L'UNIVERS PITTORESQUE. Histoire et Description De Tous Les Peuples, De leurs Religions, Maurs, Coutumes, Industrie, &c. Afrique, Tome 1. Egypte Ancienne, par M. Champollion-Figeac. Conservateur de la Bibliothèque Royale, etc. Paris, Firmin Didot Frères, Editeurs, Impri meurs-Libraires De L' Institut De France. MDCCCXLIII. Those who wish to learn something of the discoveries of the New School of Egyptologists, will find this book well stored with novel and interesting knowledge. Its numerous and accurate plates and illustrations not only enhance its attractions, but its usefulness and value.

A SERIES OF LECTURES ON THE SCIENCE OF GOVERN MENT. Intended to prepare the student for the study of the Constitution of the United States. By N. BEVERLY TUCKER, Professor of Law in the University of William & Mary. 1845. pp. 464, 8 vo.

Our thanks to the author for a copy. Our readers may expect soon a further notice of the work.

THE SOUTHERN

LITERARY MESSENGER.

AUGUST, 1845.

THE MASSACHUSETTS PROPOSITION

FOR ABOLISHING THE SLAVE REPRESENTATION AS GUARANTIED BY THE CONSTITUTION.

This proposition to destroy one of the fundamen- | amendments which they should suggest, but after tal compromises of the Constitution, originated ap-due deliberation, they recommended that the Legparently from a petition sent to the Legislature of islature of Massachusetts should submit to ConMassachusetts during the session of 1842-'43, and gress a proposition for abolishing the slave represigned by more than 65,000 persons, who asked, sentation. 1st. That a law should be passed, (by the Legislature of Massachusetts,) forbidding all persons who hold office under the government of Massachusetts, from aiding or abetting the arrest or detention of any person who may be claimed as a fugitive from slavery.

2ndly. That a law should be passed, forbidding the use of the jails, or other public property of the State for the detention of any such person.

3rdly. That such amendments in the Constitution of the United States be proposed by the Legislature of Massachusetts, to the other States of the Union, as may have the effect of forever separating the people of Massachusetts from all connexion with slavery.

The Committee acknowledge, that the change proposed "will not of itself, even if adopted by the requisite number of States, effect the purpose intended by the petitioners. There are several passages of the Constitution, besides that fixing the basis of representation, which connect the free States with slavery. They are, however, of secondary consequence, when compared with that, and as they draw their vitality from, so they would die with it. The withdrawal from the Constitution of the slave representation would alone, in the opinion of your Committee, be of force enough to carry with it the remaining obstacles to that complete and effective separation from all connexion with slavery which the petitioners desire."

The State of Massachusetts, having long since The ulterior views, and the consummation so abolished the institution of slavery, and the people devoutly wished, are here disclosed without reserve. of that commonwealth having no connexion with It is evident that the annihilation of the slave repit, except through the political relations existing resentation was urged, not as an end-not as an between the several States composing our Confed- object desirable per se only, but as a means to ateracy, this petition must be understood as express-tain an end, which end is no less than the abolition ing a wish to see such alterations made in the Consti- of slavery throughout the United States. The Legtution of the United States, as would inevitably cause the abolition of slavery throughout the Union. The petition was referred to a joint committee of the Massachusetts Senate and House of Representatives, and subsequently, an elaborate Report was introduced by the Chairman, Mr. Charles Francis Adams. The Report shows, that the Committee were much embarrassed as to the character of the

islature of Massachusetts sanctioned the recommendation of the Committee, and the proposition was submitted to Congress by Mr. John Quincey Adams. It was referred to a committee of the House of Representatives, and Messrs. Adams and Giddings made a Report in behalf of the minority, sustaining the proposition of Massachusetts and inveighing with great severity against the qualified

VOL. XI-57

representation of slave property. If acrimonious" represented, in strong terms, the inequality and and unsparing denunciation of that provision of the clamors that had been produced by the valuation Constitution which authorizes the representation of lands," and said that it "was weakening the ties of the slave population, could convince the public mind and obliterate this feature of the Constitution, then Messrs. Adams and Giddings might indulge confident hopes of success, but it remains to be seen, whether the people of the United States will endanger the existence of the Union and the peace of the country by any effort to propitiate the abolitionists.

of the Union among the States." The subject was again discussed and several propositions submitted as to the ratio which the slaves should bear to the free inhabitants. At length, Mr. Madison proposed that they should be rated as five to three in the rule of apportionment, and ultimately this plan prevailed without opposition. The property basis was abandoned, and the basis as existing in the present Although the Massachusetts proposition found Constitution was agreed to by general consent. In but few advocates in Congress, the signs of the the Federal Convention of 1787, the same subject times indicate very plainly, that the abolitionists in reference to taxation was discussed in conjuncwill continue to urge this innovation upon the at- tion with the question of representation. To trace tention of Congress and the country, and therefore the successive steps which led to the adoption of we trust to be indulged in giving it a brief notice. the third clause of article 1, section 2, of the FedA reference to the origin of the slave represen-eral Constitution, would, on this occasion, be untation as a mere proposition, and its subsequent in- necessary. In adopting it, the Convention acted corporation into the Federal Constitution, will show upon the theory, that the number of persons, withthe principles upon which it was founded. It ap-out regard to " age, sex, or condition," was the true peared first during the discussion of the articles of index of the productive power of a State, its wealth confederation in the Congress of 1776. One of and capacity to pay taxes: and upon the great those articles declared, that "all charges of war, and maxim, that taxation ought not to exist without all other expenses that shall be incurred for the representation, a maxim, upon which the American common defence and allowed by the United States revolution turned. assembled, shall be defrayed out of a common treaNo morbid philanthropy or fanatical frenzy ani sury, which shall be supplied by the several colo- mated the members of the Federal Convention, nies in proportion to the number of inhabitants of but guided by the spirit of patriotism, they anx every age, sex and quality, except Indians not pay-iously sought to advance and secure the permanent ing taxes, in each colony." The article exempted interests of the whole Union. Their wisdom is none from taxation "except Indians." It included attested by their work. Mr. Madison felt it his the slave as well as the free man. During the duty to express his " profound and solemn convicdebate, Mr. Chase, of Maryland, moved that the tion, derived from an intimate opportunity of obquotas should be paid, not by the inhabitants as serving and appreciating the views of the Convenjust indicated, but by the number of " white inhabi- tion, collectively and individually, that there never tants." He argued that negroes were property to was an assembly of men, charged with a great and the South, and cattle were property to the North: arduous trust, who were more pure in their motives, that the Southern planter laid out his surplus profits or more exclusively devoted to the object of deviin negroes, and the Northern farmer his in cattle sing and proposing a constitutional system which and horses, and that it would be no more unjust to tax should best secure the permanent liberty and happithe latter than the former. The debate was con-ness of their country." Without denying the abtinued by Mr. John Adams; and Mr. Harrison, of stract truths of the Declaration of Independence, Virginia, by way of compromise, proposed that two or vainly attempting to equalize the condition of slaves should be counted as one freeman. mankind, they considered the diversity of our popThe question being taken on the amendment of-ulation-the pursuits of the different classes-the fered by Mr. Chase, it was rejected: Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina and South Carolina being in the affirmative, and in favor of a basis of "free white inhabitants ;" and New Hampshire, Massachusetts, Rhode Island, Connecticut, New York, New Jersey and Pennsylvania voting against the amendment, and in favor of a basis of taxation "All discussions, on the excellence of government merely including all persons, of "every age, sex and qual-on abstract principles and without reference to the given ity," and, of course, slaves. Georgia was divided. circumstances, are futile. The science of government is (1st vol. of the Madison Papers.) Subsequently, no more an abstract one than architecture. The architect, the basis of "lands, buildings and improvements" without knowledge of pure mechanics and mathematics in was incorporated among the articles of confedera-general, will make but a poor bungler, yet it is of primary importance to him before he can either draw the plan of a tion, but this plan proved unacceptable to the peo- building or take any specific measure, to know what maple of Massachusetts, as Mr. Gorham of that State' terials he has at his disposal, whether wood, bricks or mar

varied products of the several States, their conflicting interests and views, and then devised that Constitution, by the operation of which the United States have so greatly prospered during the last half a century.* "The structure," (said a distin

guished jurist of Massachusetts,)" has been erected then, they are freemen, they might form an equal by architects of consummate skill and fidelity; basis for representation as though they were all its foundations are solid; its compartments are white inhabitants. In either view, therefore, he beautiful, as well as useful; its arrangements are could not see that the Northern States would suffull of wisdom and order; and its defences are im- fer, but directly to the contrary." pregnable from without. It has been reared for Mr. Gorham thought the proposed section much immortality, if the work of man may justly aspire in favor of Massachusetts." So highly was the to such a title. It may, nevertheless, perish in an | Constitution eulogised, that a member of the Conhour by the folly, or corruption, or negligence of vention, (Mr. Randall,) said in praise of it, we its only keepers, the people."*

Appealing from the present inhabitants of Massachusetts to their ancestors of the Revolution, let us see in what estimation the latter regarded the Federal Constitution, when it was submitted for the ratification or rejection of their State Convention. It is proper to refer occasionally to the earlier and purer days of the Republic, and to observe the course of those who so sedulously sought to secure and maintain the reserved rights of the States, as well as the union of the States.

Mr. King said, “ It is a principle of this Consti tution, that representation and taxation should go hand in hand. This paragraph states, that the number of free persons, including those bound to service for a term of years and excluding Indians not taxed, three fifths of all other persons shall be computed in ascertaining the number of representatives. These persons are the slaves. By this rule are representation and taxation to be apportioned. And it was adopted because it was the language of all America."+

Judge Dana concluded, “ from a survey of every part of the Constitution, that it was the best that the wisdom of men could suggest."

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hear the reverend clergy, the judges of the supreme court, and the ablest lawyers exerting their utmost abilities." Among the ayes upon the question of ratification, are the names of Gorham, Dana, Cushing, Winthrop, Bowdoin, John Hancock, Samuel Adams, and many others of the most eminent men then living in Massachusetts. In ratifying the Constitution, the Convention proposed nine distinct amendments to the Federal Constitution. Did the Convention object to the representation of slaves, and propose to alter the Constitution in this respect ? No, but the convention proposed, as an amendment, that "it be explicitly declared, that all powers, not expressly delegated by the aforesaid Constitution, are reserved to the several States, to be by them exercised.”*

The people of the Northern States have, from time to time, spoken of the representation of the slaves as a grievance, and a concession to the South on the part of the North. Among others, Mr. Justice Story, of Massachusetts, in his Commentaries upon the Constitution, intimates that it is injurious to the non-Slave-holding States. It is obvious to every one, that the arrangement is based upon no precise principle, but is a compromise beMr. Dawes said," he was very sorry to hear the tween conflicting opinions and interests. If any paragraph under consideration objected to. He concession was made, it was made by the South to thought the objection unfounded; that the black in- the interests and views of the North. When the habitants of the Southern States must be consid-Constitution was formed, the doctrine prevailed ered either as slaves, and as so much property, or universally in this country, that taxation should be in the character of so many freemen; if the former, why should they not be wholly represented? Our own State laws and constitutions would lead us to consider these blacks as freemen, and so indeed would our own ideas of natural justice. If,

apportioned to representation. Sovereign States would not have united upon any other principle. Had a different rule been adopted, the smaller and weaker States would have been liable to oppression on the part of the more powerful States of the confederacy. New Jersey and Delaware, for exble, the climate which will operate on them, the ground on ample, with their few representatives, would not which he has to build, and the object for which the building have agreed to be liable to be taxed twice or thrice is intended. So has the statesman to acquaint himself as high as New York and Pennsylvania, which had thoroughly with ethics, natural law and philosophy in gen- a larger number of representatives. A few of the eral, yet he must not forget his materials when he comes to the practical question, nor the object of his society."--Lieber's Political Ethics, vol. 1st.

"All government is founded on compromise. We balance inconveniences: we give and take; we remit some rights, that we may enjoy others; and we choose rather to be happy citizens than subtle disputants. As we must give away some natural liberty, to enjoy civil advantages; so wc must sacrifice some civil liberties, for the advantages to be derived from the communion and fellowship of a great empire."-Burke's Works, vol. 1st.

* Story.

†2nd vol. Elliot's Debates.

larger States might have coalesced and imposed oppressive taxes on such property as might be peculiar to some of the smaller States of the Union. The slaves not being diffused throughout the coun try, but confined to certain States, would have been liable to unequal and excessive taxation. The apportionment of taxation according to representation, interposed a check and furnished a restraint against unequal demands to supply the national treasury, and without this safeguard and security,

* Elliot, vol. 2.

the Slave-holding States would never have ratified by that of freemen or of slaves”—“ five hundred the Constitution. freemen, producing no more profits, no greater sur

It may be true, that property is the most equi-plus for the payment of taxes, than five hundred table rule of taxation, but it is so difficult to dis- slaves," why should not the Southern States have cover the actual amount of property held by each been allowed representation for all their slaves! individual, that the practical application of the rule Slaves are employed almost entirely in agriculture, is attended with a great many difficulties. Popu- and the people of Massachusetts can hardly believe lation affords a tolerably correct index of national that three white laborers engaged upon a Massawealth, the products of industry being measured chusetts farm can or do produce agricultural progenerally by the number of inhabitants. The pro- ducts, equal in exchangeable value, with the amount ductions of some of the States were raised by free of agricultural products made by the labor of five labor; the productions of others by slave labor. slaves employed in the culture of cotton, hemp or The several States were bound to furnish to the tobacco. Look to the exports of the United States common treasury an amount to be ascertained by for the last fifty years, and see how large a prothe number of people in each State. Of what im- portion was the product of the Southern slave labor. portance is it whether the sum required, be made The imports have been paid for by the exports of by the labor of freemen or negro slaves? Each the country.* State was at liberty to form its own domestic and internal regulations, without the control or interference of the co-States. According to the usages prevalent among independent and sovereign States, no state had a right to ask its co-States, from what species of labor they were enabled to pay their proportion of the public burdens. The States severally possessed the right to demand, that each should contribute in proportion to population, but further they had no right to go.

It has been contended that slaves are property, and therefore entitled to representation not more than any other kind of property. If the Northern people consider them only in the light of property, and not as persons, why do they manifest so much concern and sympathy? Their zeal in favor of abolition shows that they recognize slaves as people also, and why not then allow them to be represented as people? If the Southern States had not slave laborers, they would have an equal, if not a larger number of free laborers, all of whom, according to the Constitution, would be entitled to

In the Slave-holding States, the slaves cultivate the soil and render services similar to those rendered by the free white laborers in other States. "A slave may indeed, (said Mr. John Adams,) from the custom of speech, be more properly called the wealth of his employer; but as to the State, both are equally its wealth, and should therefore equally add to the quota of its tax." And why then should they not add equally to the quota of its rep

The views of John Adams as expressed in the Congress of Confederation are so just, that they deserve attention on account of their bearing upon representation in the House of Representatives. this subject. He remarked, "that the numbers of people are taken as an index of the wealth of the State, and not as subjects of taxation; that, as to this matter, it was of no consequence by what name you called your people, whether by that of freemen or of slaves; that in some countries the laboring poor are called freemen, in others they are called slaves; but that the difference as to the State was imaginary only. * Certainly five hundred freemen produce no more profits, no greater sur-resentation? plus for the payment of taxes, than five hundred slaves. Suppose, by an extraordinary operation of nature or law, one half the laborers of a State could, in the course of one night, be transformed into slaves, would the State be made the poorer or less able to pay taxes? That the condition of the laboring poor in most countries, that of the fisherman particularly of the Northern States, domestic exports 30 millions. The exports of cotton tois as abject as that of slaves. It is the number of bacco and rice in 1840 were 74 1-2 millions of dollars; and laborers which produces the surplus for taxation, the other articles of domestic export 39 millions. In 1841, and numbers indiscriminately, therefore, are the fair the exports of cotton, tobacco and rice were nearly 69 milindex of wealth." When these observations were lions; and the remainder of domestic exports 37 1-2 millions. The exports of cotton, tobacco and rice for the 9 made, it had not then been decided that taxation months commencing 1st October, 1842 and ending 30th June, should be regulated by the same ratio as representa- 1843, were $55,396,611; and the other articles of domestion, but this circumstance does not weaken the force tic export were of the value of $22,397, 173. (See Reof his argument in favor of allowing representation ports of the Secretary of the Treasury on the Commerce for all the slaves instead of three-fifths of their and Navigation of the U. S.) Cotton, tobacco and rice have been and are now the great elements of our commer number. Population being “taken as an index of cial prosperity. They strengthen the bonds of peace and the wealth of the State," it being "of no conse-give an impulse to the civilization and improvement of quence by what name you called your people, whether mankind.

*In 1837, the exports of cotton, tobacco and rice from the U. S. amounted in value to $71,345,028; and the remaiuder of domestic exports to $24,219,386. The exports of cotton, tobacco and rice in 1838, amounted to $70,670,649 in value; and all other articles of domestic export to $25,363,242. In 1839, the exports of cotton, tobacco and rice were 73 1-2 millions of dollars, and the residue of the

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