under government, created a title of nobility, not only for himself but his children and descendants. In this and other indirect ways, the numbers of the nobility had been greatly increaseda real evil where they enjoy legal and substantial privileges; besides the usurpation of the rights of the hereditary nobles.

To correct this abuse, a sort of herald's college was established for examining and ascertaining the titles of the nobility. The attestation of this college was necessary. The price of an attestation will not appear to our readers ruinous-for the lowest class of nobles, thirty shillings; for a baron, L.5; a count, L.10; a prince, L.30. For this they had a pedigree, arms, &c. &c.

'Nevertheless, the creation of this and a similar institution in Westphalia, Prussia, and Hanover, (where the fees were, however, much higher,) excited a terrible outcry among great and small. Among the great, because they were angry at being questioned, and because the origin of their nobility was according to them-too remote to be traced; at all events, as old as that of the reigning house. The fact, however, was generally not so; especially as to the barons, who had, therefore, no alternative but either to give up their title, or to receive a new one by way of favour, and so to start afresh with a very recent diploma. The few barons (Freiherrn) of great antiquity, as, for instance, those of Lippe and Schwarzenberg, have taken their place among the nobility of the Empire.

A still greater lamentation resounded from among those who had no proof to show-even of the lowest class of nobility-except such things as tailors' bills, (generally unreceipted,) which ran as follows:"For mending his Hochfreiherrliche Gnaden's old clothes-so much;" &c. &c. The claims of above a hundred such families were entirely rejected. The whole amount of this immatriculation of the already existing nobility might amount, during my time, to 30,000 gulden.

We had often most curious claims laid before us, to which we could not refuse our pious belief without mortal offence. Thus, for example, the Esterhazys pretended to be descended directly from Attila, or, better still, from the patriarch Enoch; the Arcos, from the long extinct counts of Bogen; the Spierings, from the dukes of Cleves; the Ruffinis, from the Roman dictator, Publius Cornelius Rufinus; the Widmers, from a Gothic king; the Aretines, from the kings of Armenia. The old court ladies were ready to scratch my eyes out because I asked for their baptismal register. A Countess of Taxis was heroic enough rather to give up all immatriculation than reveal this secret; others sent it to me through their confessors; others required me to take a formal oath not to reveal it.'

The minister, Count Montgelas, a man of considerable talent and originality, had a great contempt for the small fry of nobility. He wanted to found an aristocracy like the English, founded on large hereditary landed possessions, and the law of primogeniture; and then a personal or life Ritteradel, or class of knights. He felt the inconvenience of a poor beggarly nobi

lity, and the way in which its claims hamper the government in the distribution of offices. He did not feel, or know, the inconvenience of an aristocracy strong enough to control or thwart all the acts of the government.

From the specimens we have laid before our readers, it is sufficiently clear that our author is not much given to the weakness of over-admiration. Few individuals or governments have much of his good word; and he has so quick a sense of the characteristic vices, follies, or defects of each branch of the great German family, that it is as impossible to deny them a certain air of truth, as it is not to recognize H. B.'s caricatures-in which, par parenthese, there is far less bitterness than in Lang's portraits. Of all the states of Germany, Austria fares the best with him, as being the freest from the Egyptian plague of pedantry, and where, what there is, is on a grand and imperial scale.' The Austrians are, indeed, the most popular people of Germany, and no wonder. Extreme good-nature and absence of pretension are the most convenient of all qualities to others; they conciliate both the sympathy and the self-love. Lang speaks with unwonted good-will of the imperial family and the Austrian people; and, as the Bavarian constitution had given him a hearty disgust of what he calls playing with mere forms, he quotes with some satisfaction the Emperor Francis' delightful speech on his coronation in Hungary. Totus mundus stultizat, et vult habere novas constitutiones; sed vos jam habetis unam constitutionem antiquam, • ut non opus sit his novitatibus peregrinis.'

We observe, by the by, that the Hungarians proved their attachment to the antique usages of their country the other day, by trying to throw Count Batthyany out of the window, because he was base enough to maintain that the nobles ought to tax themselves. However, any thing is better than peregrina novitates. Even our worthy and intelligent countryman, Mr Paget, seems to have a leaning for this venerable process of ejectment, as indicative of the same sort of high spirit and manly character which is displayed in the noble election rows' of England. The Emperor's German, as is well known, was as remarkable as his Latin-it was Viennese. Lang tells a story which he seems to think greatly to the Emperor's credit. He had been much importuned to give some place to a man whom he especially disliked and disapproved, and had as constantly refused. At length, through neglect or hurry, he signed his appointment. When he had found out what he had done, he only said-Curious! he has got it, though, at last!' Curjos! jetzt ist er's halt doch worden!)

We find one really interesting and important remark about

Vienna. In noticing the changes which had taken place in the lapse of time since his former visit to it, he says-The Vienna dialect had in great measure given way, in the higher classes, to the Silesio-Bohemian. The Bohemians and Moravians had 'raised themselves in every department by their talents and activity, and occupied the majority of the more important posts; and I am firmly persuaded that this race will force itself into a pro'minent place in Austrian history.' If this struck him in 1820, what would he say now? It is much the fashion among tourists to ascribe the rising importance of the Bohemians to the patriotic partialities of Count Kolowrat. We see, however, that they had begun to distinguish themselves before his influence commenced; nor do we believe that any such change is to be brought about by one man. It would probably be nearer the truth to say, that the minister is himself one example of the general proposition. Bohemia is, perhaps, one of the most interesting points in the map of Europe, to the eye of one who cares to contemplate the spectacle of a nation developing itself out of its own resources and by its own energies. Reserved, industrious, and intelligent, the Bohemians are the workers of the Austrian empire, and must, of course, become the most indispensable members of the body. They number among their wealthy and powerful nobles some most highminded and enlightened men; who show their patriotism not in factious and furious opposition to the government, but in strenuous, persevering, and peaceful exertions for the improvement of the physical and moral condition of the people. Bohemia has undoubtedly un grand avenir-to use a French phrase. It is reserved for her to show whether a Slavonian people can attain to solid, consistent, and generally diffused civilization. The high and brilliant polish of Poland never reached the people; and it had little solid moral or intellectual culture to rest on. Still less can Russia, with her broad contrasts of splendour and filth, profusion and meanness-with an insensibility to national honour almost as universal as that which characterizes America-be accepted as affording any sample or earnest of Slavonie civilization. It is to Bohemia that all the most intelligent and virtuous friends of the Slavonic movement look as their leader. Those who believe that movement to be prompted by, or favourable to, Russia, know nothing at all of the temper of the Slavonic subjects of Austria.

Lang's memoirs close in the year 1824. We have given very little of his private history, except incidentally. The reason we have alleged at the beginning of this article. His personal character does not attract our sympathy, nor our respect; except in as far as he seems to have been really impressed with an idea very uncommon at that time of day, and very remarkable in a man of his

temper ;--namely, that governments and public functionaries are bound to act with some reference to the interests of the governed. He seems, too, to have had, for his age and country, unusually clear and just notions on economical subjects-such as the commercial restrictions which severed the various states of Germany; the absurd passport system; the establishing of a maximum on articles of consumption; and all the evils consequent on the rage for overgoverning (Vielregieren.)

There is a great deal of wit in the book, of a peculiar kind—not the highest certainly; and a vast store of anecdotes. Some of these are so extraordinary as almost to stagger our belief; and all are related with a cynical delight in the meanness and deformities of mankind. The author made, as we have been told by persons who knew him, countless enemies by his bitter and unsparing tongue; and he showed as little reserve and delicacy about himself as about others. But his historical and antiquarian learning were always acknowledged by the most competent judges. His leanings, if he had any, (for his contempt was pretty impartial,) were, we think, more towards the French than his own countrymen; and, indeed, there is a mocking levity about him, which savours far more of France than of Germany. The overbearing pretensions and military pedantry of the Prussians; the coarse habits of the Bavarians; the corruption and inaptitude of the governing classes, and the servility and meanness of the governed-are all described with a sort of gusto very different from the sorrowing indignation or the discriminating rebuke of a true patriot. But his facts have not been denied; indeed, they may be taken as acknowledged even by those to whom they are most offensive, since the Bavarian Government has prohibited the publication of the third volume, (which brings the history down to the present time,) and has, by that act, avowed that it was not in a condition to confute the author's allegations.

We must, however, again emphatically remind our readers that this book relates to German men and things as they were, and not as they are; and that in no country has a more striking progress been made. Who shall say how much this progress has been accelerated by the consciousness that secrecy and impunity are not now to be counted on as formerly? Inasmuch as they contribute to that result, such books as this, odious as is the temper they evince, are of great public utility; and, though we cannot applaud them, we must admit that they are serviceable to the cause of truth and justice.

ART. IV-1. Biographia Britannica Literaria; or, the Biography of Literary Characters of Great Britain and Ireland, arranged in Chronological Order. Anglo-Saxon Period. By THOMAS WRIGHT, M.A. Published under the Superintendence of the Royal Society of Literature. 8vo. London: 1842.

2. Transactions of the Royal Society of Literature. Second Series. Vol. I. 8vo. London: 1843.

So wide is the realm, and so densely peopled with a noisy multitude is the Republic of Letters, that we dare say there are many of our readers who know very little about the Society whose publications invite this notice. Yet it has been a number of years in existence, and was right royally founded and munificently endowed by George the Fourth. Among the literary institutions of the present century it holds a prominent place; and among its members and supporters are many individuals of the highest rank in society, and the highest fame in literature and science. Thus, standing apart from the numerous private associations formed for the cultivation and promotion of particular classes of learning, a brief account of its origin and progress may not be unacceptable. Having all the necessary information at our command, we shall therefore commence with a historical sketch of this royal foundation, which though singular, as having emanated spontaneously from the Sovereign, yet presents in its formation all the features of analogous associations, whether springing from private individuals or learned bodies pursuing similar objects. The original steps taken, the difficulties encountered, the gradual progress, and finally, the maturity of plans resulting in operations and effects which endure for many generations, and have an influence on them all, present details of curious interest, well deserving of literary record.

The Royal Society of Literature' originated in an accidental conversation between the late learned and worthy Bishop of St David's (Dr Burgess, afterwards Bishop of Salisbury,) and an eminent person of the royal household, in October 1820, respecting the various institutions which adorn the British name and nation. It was agreed that there seemed to be one wanting for the encouragement and promotion of General Literature; and that if a society, somewhat resembling the French Academy of Belles Lettres, could be established, it might be productive of great advantage to the cause of knowledge. This suggestion was