then Prime Minister of England. When I was introduced to him in the Foreign Office, I had the same sensation which, I think, all Americans feel when visiting Great Britain, and when they come in immediate contact with the events which preceded our colonial settlement and history. We were then all sharers in the great days and in the mighty events which laid the foundations for both English and American liberty. I saw before me Lord Burleigh, the great Minister of Queen Elizabeth, and the ancestor of the Cecils. There arose, naturally, a vision of the events, the statesmen, admirals, generals and men of genius whose immortal work is our common heritage, and who adorned the reign of the great Queen Elizabeth. Shakespeare, Bacon, and subsequently Milton have illumined the centuries and are still the lighthouses of our literature.

We cannot help recalling the serious effort for peace among the English-speaking peoples which followed the war of 1812. The commissioners of the two countries met at Ghent, because in their judgment it was the only neutral place in Europe. This was demonstrated by the Burgomaster of the town when he gave a dinner to the American delegates and said in his toast that he wished them every possible success over the British. [Laughter.] At the conclusion of the two commissions' labors, the American commissioners gave a dinner to the British commissioners. The toast of John Quincy Adams was that this successful peace-treaty, which had just been concluded, might be forever unbroken. [Applause.] Its beauty, its mystery, and its longevity seem to be due to the fact that it neither mentioned nor settled any of the controversies which had been fought for in the war. [Laughter.]

Since then there have been many movements from both sides to bring these great branches of the English-speaking peoples together. The main contributor for many years was Washington Irving, who secured against the British reviewers from Walter Scott the acknowledgment that the British people would read an American book. [Laughter.] Probably the most successful contributor was the poet Longfellow. He brought to the world the Indian romances which attracted the attention of not only English scholars and educators, but fascinated the imagination of a generation of English children. Then followed

James Fenimore Cooper with his "Leather Stocking Tales." One result was that a rising generation of England thought that the Americans were Indians. One American told me of stopping at a country house on the sea, and that one of the old ladies said to him, "How we are blessed by the stormy ocean, except for that we might be massacred by those American savages." [Laughter.]

The contributions to the unity of the English-speaking race by Dickens and Thackeray cannot be estimated. How much English lecturers, who have come here in multitudes and given us their messages, have aided in the great movement is a subject of dispute. One of the most valued and valuable was Mathew Arnold. He brought me his itinerary which had been furnished by his American manager. Mr. Arnold said to me, "I am an Oxford professor, and I have instructed the director of my lectures to put me only in university towns." "Well, Mr. Arnold," I said, "he seems to have misunderstood you. In the first place where you lecture, the only university is an insane asylum, and the only college in the next place is an inebriate home; but outside the subject on which they have gone wrong, they are remarkably intelligent people." [Laughter.]

But, my friends, everything prior to 1917, when the United States entered the Great War, is ancient history. We entered then upon a new era. It was the comradeship of youth, when both countries were fighting under the entwined flags of their nationalities, and for the same ideals and ready to make the supreme sacrifice together for law, order, civilization, and liberty.

When the war was over, and the great Council met at Versailles, the future of the world was dependent upon its decisions. A distinguished ex-Prime Minister of Great Britain said to me, "Now that you have come in with all your strength, the victory for the Allies is assured. The councils after great wars in the past have left in their conclusions the seeds for future wars, and I fear the same results when the Allies get together around the council table." But it could not escape in its deliberations the century-old animosities and craving for territory and power. One brilliant and outstanding exception, who wanted neither territory nor possessions, who wanted only justice and peace

and who hoped to realize his ideals, was Woodrow Wilson. He represented not only his own convictions but the public opinion of the United States. If, to assist Mr. Wilson, our guest tonight had also been a controlling commissioner, the result might have been different for the world.

Viscount Cecil, as a member of the War Cabinet of Lloyd George, held the most difficult position in the most difficult period of his country's history. He was Minister of Blockade. The War and the Navy Ministers and other statesmen who represented divisions and subdivisions of the war machinery of the government, and were raising and equipping armies and furnishing navies to fight the battles, had their duties defined. But his duties were not defined; they were mainly to watch the United States. It was a most delicate and difficult mission. It required tact, sense, and diplomacy to limit as far as possible the contraband of war the United States could furnish other neutral nations for Germany and Austria.

The United States was neutral and the great merchant of the war. Without causing any irritation or anger, he succeeded in diminishing the sales without offending the salesman. While almost all other nations were fighting or involved in fighting, the United States furnished arms, munitions, provisions, and everything needed by the combatants. Many millions now due us represent in some measure the vastness of our traffic with the Allies.

And here, permit me to say that one of the most valuable contributions to peace and good-will among the English-speaking peoples is the wonderful way Great Britain has met and adjusted her debt. [Applause.] And I will also say how deeply I regret the recent expressions of ill-will towards France on account of her attitude in regard to her war debt. I am sure the position of France is wholly misunderstood. France is the soul of honor and will demonstrate it. We have too many things of sentiment and interest in common with France, running from Lafayette to Jusserand, to permit any ill-feeling between our countries. [Applause.] But the enemies of the Allies were equally anxious for their supplies, and to prevent Germany and Austria from getting them, the British Navy maintained a rigid blockade. Holland, Denmark, Sweden,

Norway, and Spain were neutral countries and quite alert in securing contraband from the United States and profiteering by reselling it to Germany and Austria. It was the duty of Viscount Cecil, as Minister of Blockade, to minimize that traffic without offending the United States, because the Allies expected, sooner or later, the United States to come in as a decisive factor in the war. When the United States came into the war, we had neither enmity nor irritation about the activity of the Minister of Blockade. His was a signal triumph in active war and a genius for peace. Since the war, almost every successful movement which has checked or prevented chaos and helped the distressed nations on the pathway to peace, has been conceived or carried through by Viscount Cecil. [Applause.]

There is a message in this morning's papers from one of the best known American observers in Europe. He says that the people on the Continent are full of hatred and desire for revenge, and regardless of consequences would welcome the breaking out of the war, and the only restraining influence of what would mean chaos is the solid strength and sane activity of the United States and Great Britain who are closely acting together for peace. [Applause.]

Peace is the one hope of the world. A recurrence of war threatens civilization. Nations cannot be reconstructed except under favorable economic conditions. These can only be had with peace. Production can only be stimulated by peace. Recuperation can only come through peace. The Woodrow Wilson Foundation has decided to give its prize for the most successful worker for peace to that distinguished statesman, Viscount Cecil of Chelwood, who is our guest to-night.

I want to introduce to you, ladies and gentlemen, Viscount Cecil of Chelwood. [The assembly arose and greeted Viscount Cecil with applause.]

CHARLES DICKENS

FRIENDS ACROSS THE SEA

Speech of Charles Dickens at the banquet given him by the "Young Men of Boston," February 1, 1842, in response to the toast: "Health, Happiness and a Hearty Welcome to Charles Dickens." The company consisted of about two hundred, among whom were George Bancroft, Washington Allston, and Oliver Wendell Holmes. At the close of the novelist's speech, which the newspapers of the day recorded as having been delivered in a “warm, fluent and manly tone," the president of the evening, Josiah Quincy, Jr., rose amid the cheering, and proposed a second toast as follows: "It has been said that painters in portraying pictures of ideal female beauty unconsciously sketched the features of her who was dearest to their hearts. If this were true of the novelist as of the painter, how greatly are the admirers of the lovely creations of our friend's genius indebted to her who holds this relation to him! With his permission, therefore, I propose the health of the lady of our distinguished guest. If she were the model of the pure and elevated women of his works, it might be well said that she was the better half even of Charles Dickens." This toast was received with nine cheers, and was drunk while the company were all standing.

GENTLEMEN:-If you had given this splendid entertainment to any one else in the whole wide world-if I were to-night to exult in the triumph of my dearest friend-if I stood here upon my defense, to repel any unjust attack-to appeal as a stranger to your generosity and kindness as the freest people on the earth-I could, putting some restraint upon myself, stand among you as self-possessed and unmoved as I should be alone in my own room in England. But when I have the echoes of your cordial greeting ringing in my ears; when I see your kind faces beaming a welcome so warm and earnest as never man had-I feel, it is my nature, so vanquished and subdued, that I have hardly fortitude enough to thank you. If your president, instead of pouring forth that delightful