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writes the Evidences of Christianity, ( doubt, and even we must doubt this. Locke the Reasonableness of Christi- The conclusion is, that we shall do well anity, Ray the Wisdom of God mani to purge our mind of all theory, and fested in the Works of the Creation. only believe in order that we may act Over and above this concert of serious Let us examine our wings only in or words is heard a ringing voice: Swift der to cut them off, and let us confine compliments with his terrible irony the ourselves to walking with our legs. elegant rogues who entertained the So finished a pyrrhonism serves only wise idea of abolishing Christianity. If to cast the world back upon established they had been ten times more numer beliefs. In fact, Reid, being honest, sus they would not have succeeded, for is alarmed. He sees society broker they had nothing to substitute in its up, God vanishing in smoke, the family place. Lofty speculation, which alone evaporating in hypotheses. He objects could take the ground, was shown or as a father of a family, a good citizen, d:clared to be impotent. On all sides a religious man, and sets up common philosophical conceptions dwindle or sense as a sovereign judge of truth come to nought. If Berkeley lighted Rarely, I think, in this world has specuon one, the denial of matter, it stands lation fallen lower. Reid does not alone, without influence on the public, even understand the systems which he as it were a theological coup d'état, discusses; he lifts his hands to heaven like a pious man who wants to under. when he tries to expound Aristotle and mine immorality and materialism at Leibnitz. If some municipal body their basis. Newton attained at most were to order a bystem, it would be an incomplete idea of space, and was this churchwarden-philosophy. In reonly a mathematician. Locke, almost ality the men of this country did not as poor,* gropes about, hesitates, does care for metaphysics; to interest them little more than guess, doubt, start an it must be reduced to psychology. opinion to advance and withdraw it by Then it becomes a science of observaturns, not seeing its far-off consequen- tion, positive and useful, like botany ; ces, nor, above all, exhausting any still the best fruit which they pluck thing. In short, he forbids himself from it is a theory of moral sentiments, lofty questions, and is very much in. In this domain Shaftesbury, Hutche. clined to forbid them to us. He has son, Price, Smith, Ferguson, and Hume written a book to inquire what objects himself prefer to labor ; here they are within our reach, or above our com- find their most original and durable prehension. He seeks for our limita- ideas. On this point the public instinct tions; he soon finds them, and troubles is so strong, that it enrols the most inhimself no further. Let us shut our dependent minds in its service, and selves in our own little domain, and only permit them the discoveries which work there diligently. Our business in benefit it. Except two or three, chiefly this world is not to know all things, but purely literary men, and who are those which regard the conduct of our French or Frenchified in mind, they life. If Hume, more bold, goes fur- busy themselves only with morals

. her, it is in the same track: he pre. This idea rallies round Christianity all serves nothing of lofty science; he the forces which in France Voltaire abolishes speculation altogether. Ac ranges against it. They all defend it cording to him, we know neither sub- on the same ground as a tie for civil stances, causes, nor laws. When we society, and as a support for private asfirm that an object is conjoined to virtue. Formerly instinct supported cnother object, i; is because we choose, it; now opinion consecrates it; and it w custom ; all events seem entirely cose and separate.” If we give them all inferences from experience are effects of

a tie,” it is our imagination which custom, not of reasoning. : : : “Upon the creates it;t there is nothing true but whole, there appears not, throughout all na.

ture, any one instance of connection which is Paupertina philosophia,” says Leibnitz. conceivable by us. All events seem entirely † After the constant conjunction - two obo loose and separate ; one event follows another jects-heat and flame, for instance, weight and but we can never observe any tie between them solidity--we are determined by custom alone to They seem conjoined, but never connected.". expect the one from the appearance of the other. Hume's Essays, 4 vols. 1760, üü. 117.

.

'tis right

s the same secret force which, by a | also of equality."* "In the State of Na. gradual labur, at present adds the ture every one has the Executive power weight of opinion to the pressure of in. of the Law of Nature," + i.l. of judg stinct. Moral sense, having preserved ing, punishing, making war, ruling bis for it the fidelity of the lower classes, family and dependents. " There only conquered for it the approval of the lof- is political society where every one of tier intellects. Moral sense transfers it the members hath quitted this natural from the public conscience to the lit. Power, resign'd it up into the Hands erary world, and from being popular of the Community in all Cases that makes it official.

exclude him not from appealing for

Protection to the Law established by VII.

it.” 1

“ Those who are united into one body and We would hardly suspect this public have a common established law and judicature cendency after taking a distant view of to appeal to, with authority.

... to punish of :he English constitution; but on a

fenders, are in civil society one with another.g

As for the ruler (they are ready to tell you), he closer view it is the first thing we see. ought to be absolute. ... Because he has It appears to be an aggregate of privi- power to do more hurt and wroug, leges, that is, of sanctioned injustices. when he does it. :,: This is to think, that The truth is, that it is a body of con

men are so foolish, that they take care to avoid

what mischiefs may be done them by polecats tracts, that is, of recognized rights. or foxes; but are content, nay think it safety, Every one, great or small, has its own, to be devoured by lions. Il The only way which he defends with all his might whereby any one divests himself of his natura My lands, my property, my chartered is by agreeing with other men to join and unite

liberty, and puts on the bonds of civil society, right, whatsoever it be, antiquated, in- into a community, for their comfortable, safe, direct, superfluous, individual, public, and peaceable living one amongst another, in a none shall touch it, king, lords, or com

secure enjoyment of their properties, and a Is it of the value of five shil. greater security against any, that are not of

it. lings? I will defend it as if it were worth a million sterling; it is my person all which their federation can impose

Umpires, rules of arbitration, this is which they would attack. I will leave my business, lose my time, throw away upon them. They are freemen, who, my money, form associations, pay fines, having made a mutual treaty, are still go to prison, perish in the attempt ; no

free. Their society does not found, matter; I shall show that I am no

but guarantees their rights. And coward, that I will not bend under in- official acts here sustain abstract theory. justice, that I will not yield a portion When Parliament declares the throne of my right.

vacant, its first argument is, that the By this sentiment Englishmen have king has violated the original contract

When the conquered and preserved public liberty by which he was king. This feeling, after they had dethroned Commons impeach Sacheverell

, it was Charles I. and James II., is shaped into in order publicly

to maintain that the principles in the declaration of 1689, and constitution of England was founded is developed by Locke in demonstra on a contract, and that the subjects of tions.*

". All men,” says Locke, "are this kingdom have, in their different naturally in a state of perfect freciom, public and private capacities, as legai

å title to the possession of the rights • We must read Sir Robert Filmer's Paraccorded to them by law, as the prince Hriarcha, London, 1689, on the prevailing has to the possession of the crown theory, in order to see om what quagmire of When Lord Chatham defended the follies people emerged. He said that Adam, on his creation, had received an absolute and regal election of Wilkes, it was by laying power over the universe ; that in every society down that the rights of the greatest and of men there was one legitimate king, the direct of the meanest subjects now stand heir of Adam. “Some say it was by lot, and others that Noah sailed round the Mediterra. upon the same foundation, the security acan in ten years, and divided the world into * Locke, Of Civil Government, 1714, bool Asia, Africa, and Europe” (p. 15)-portions ü. ch. ii. 4. for his three sons. Compare Bossuet, Politique

1 Tbid. 13.

1 Ibid. ü. ch. vii. 9 % fondée sur l'Ecriture. At this epoch moral $ Ibid.

| Ibid. ii. ch vii. $ 93. science was being emancipated from theology. (Ibid. i. ch. viü. $ 95.

mons.

laws.

of law common to all. . . . When the instinct, once loosed, craves for blows people had lost their rights, those of the candidates bawl against each of the peerage would soon become in other till they are hoarse. They are significant. It was no supposition or chaired, to the great peril of their philosophy, which fcunded them, but necks; the mob yells, cheers, grows an act and deed, Magna Charta, the warm with the motion, the defance. Petition of Rights, the Habeas Corpus the row; big words of patriotism peal Act, and the whole body of the statute out, anger and drink inflame theia

blood, fists are clenched, cudgels are These rights are there, inscribed on at work, and bulldog passions regulate parchments, stored up in archives, the greatest interests of the country signed, sealed, authentic ; those of the Let all beware how they draw these farmer and prince are traced on the passions down on their heads : Lords same page, in the same ink, by the Commons, King, they will spare no same writer; both are on an equality one and when Government would op. on this vellum; the gloved hand clasps press a man in spite of them, they will the horny palm. What though they compel Government to suppress their are unequal? It is by mutual accord; own law. the peasant is as much a master in They are not to be muzzled, they his cottage, with his rye-bread and his make that a matter of pride. With nine shillings a week,* as the Duke of them, pride assists instinct in defendir:g Marlborough in Blenheim Castle, with the right. Each feels that “his house his many thousands a year in places in his castle," and that the law keeps and pensions.

guard at his door. Each tells himself There they are, these men, standing that he is defended against private in. erect and ready to defend themselves. solence, that the public arbitrary power Pursue this sentiment of right in the will never touch him, that he has “his details of political life; the force of body," and can answer blows by blows, brutal temperament and concentrated wounds by wounds, that he will be or savage passions provides arms. If judged by an impartial jury and a law we go to an election, the first thing we common to all. '“ Even is an Englishsee is the full tables. They cram man,” says Montesquieu,“ has as many themselves at the candidate's expense : enemies as hairs on his head, nothing ale, gin, brandy are set flowing without will happen to him. The laws there concealment; the victuals descend into were not made for one more than for an. their electoral stomachs, and their other; each looks on himself as a faces grow red. At the same time king, and the men of this nation are they become furious. “Every glass more confederates than fellow-citi. they pour down serves to increase their zens.". This goes so far,“ that there animosity. Many an honest man, be- is hardly a day when some one does fore as 'harmless as a tame rabbit, not lose respect for the king. Lately when loaded with a single election din. my Lady Bell Molineux, a regular ner, has become more dangerous than virago, sent to have the trees pulled a charged culverin.” I The wrangle up from a small piece of land which turns into a fight, and the pugnacious the queen had bought for Kensington, . De Foe's estimate.

and went to law with her, without hav. 1 " Their eating, indeed, amazes me; had 1 | ing wished, under any pretext, to como fve hundred heads, and 'were each head fur to terms with her; she made the nished with brains, yet would they all be insufficient to compute the number of cows, pista When Englishmen come to France,

queen's secretary wait three hours." * Reese, and turkies which upon this occasion die for the good of their country! ... On the they are deeply astonished to see the contrary, they seem to lose their temper as they sway of the king's good pleasure,' lose their appetites ; every morse! they swallow the Bastile, the lettres de cachet ; serves to increase their animosity.. mob meet upon the debate, fight themselves gentleman who dare not live on his es Bober, and then draw off to get drunk again, tate in the country, for fear of the gov. and charge for another encounter."-Goldsmith's Citism of the World, Letter cxii.,

ernor of the province; a groom of the "An Election described.” See also Hogarth's king's chamber, who, for a cut with the printen

* This • Montesquieu, Noter sur l'Angleterra.

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razor, kills a poor barber with impu- | treds, like Presbyterians, Anglicans, nity.” In England, "one man does and Quakers. The country squira not fear another." If we converse rails, over his wir e, at the House of with any of them, we will find how Hanover, drinks to the king over the greatly this security, raises their hearts water; the Whig in London, on the and courage. A sailor who rows Vol. 30th of January, drinks to the man in caire about, and may be pressed next the mask,* and then to the man who day into the fleet, prefers bis condition will do the same thing without a mask. to that of the Frenchman, and looks They imprisoned, exiled, beheaded on him with pity, whilst taking his five each other, and Parliament resounded shillings. The vastness of their pride daily with the fury of their animadver. breaks forth at every step and in sions. Political, like religious life, every page. An Englishman, says wells up and overflows, and its outChesterfield, thinks himself equal to bursts only mark the force of the flame beating three Frenchmen. They would which nourishes it. The passion of willingly declare that they are in the parties, in state affairs as in matters of werd of men as bulls in a herd of cat- belief, is a proof of zeal; constant le. We hear them bragging of their quiet is only general indifference; and Joxing, of their meat and ale, of all if people fight at elections, it is be. that can support the force and energy, cause they take an interest in them. of their virile will. Roast-beef and Here “a tiler had the newspaper beer make stronger arms than cold brought to him on the roof that he water and frogs. In the eyes of the might read it.” A stranger who reads vulgar, the French are starved wig. the papers “ would think the country makers, papists, and serfs, an inferior on the eve of a revolution.” When kind of creatures, who can neither call Government takes a step, the public their bodies nor their souls their own, feels itself involved in it; its honor puppets and tools in the hands of a and its property are being disposed of master and a priest. As for them by the minister ; let the minister be selves,

ware if he disposes of them ill. With Stern o'er each bosom reason holds her the French, N. de Conflans, who lost

his fleet through cowardice, is pun. With daring aims irregularly, great. ished by an epigram; here, Admiral Pride in their port, defiance in their eye,

Byng, who was too prudent to risk his, 'I see the lords of human-kind pass by ; Intent on high designs, a thoughtful band,

was shot. Every man in his due posiBy forms unfashion'd, fresh from nature's tion, and according to his power, takes hand,

part in public business: the mob Fierce in their native hardiness of soul,

broke the heads of those who would True to imagin'd right, above control, While even the peasant boasts these rights not drink Dr. Sacheverell's health ; to scan,

gentlemen came in mounted troops to And learns to venerate himself as man." I

meet him. Some public favorite or Men thus constituted can become enemy is always exciting open demonimpassioned in public concerns, for

strations. One day it is Pitt whom they are their own concerns; in France, municipal corporations bestow many

the people cheer, and on whom the they are only the business of the king gold boxes

; another day it is Gren and of Madame de Pompadour. §. In England, political parties are as ardent ville, whom people go to hiss when 29. sects: High Church and Low coming out of the house; then again Church, capitalists and landed pro is hissed, and who is burned under the

Lord Bute, whom the queen loves, who prietors, court nobility and county families, they have their dogmas, their effigy of a boot, a pun on his name, theories their manners, and their ha- whilst the princess of Wales was

burned under the effigy of a petticoat ; * Smollong Peregrine Pickle, ch. 40. or the Duke of Bedford, whose town See Hogarth's prints.

house is attacked by a mob, and who Goldsmith's Traveller. Š Chesterfield observes that a Frenchman of

is only saved by a garrison of horse his time did not understand the word Country; and foot ; Wilkes, whose papers the you must speak to him of his Prince.

* The executioner of Charlo.

state

Government seize, and to whom the soning freedom of discourse and a jury assign one thousand pounds dam- breadth of general ideas. In place a ages. Every morning appear news- arguing, men conversed; they were at papers and pamphlets to discuss af- torneys, they became orators. With fairs, criticize characters, denounce by Addison, Steele, and Swift, taste and name lords, orators, ministers, the king genius invade politics. Voltaire can. himself. He who wants to speak not say whether the meditated har. speaks. In this wrangle of writings angues once delivered in Athens and and associations opinion swells, mounts Rome excelled the unpremeditated like a wave, and falling upon Parlia. speeches of Windham, Carteret, and ment and Court, drowns intrigue and their rivals. In short, discourse suc carries away all differences. After all, ceeds in overcoming the dryness of in spite of the rotten boroughs, it is special questions and the coldness of public opinion which rules. What compassed action, which had so long though the king be obstinate, the men restricted it; it boldly and irregularly in power band together? Public opin- extends its force and luxuriance; and ion growls, and every thing bends or in contrast with the fine abbés of the breaks. The Pitts rose as high as drawing-room, who in France compose they did, only because public opinion their academical compliments, we see raised them, and the independence of appear, the manly eloquence of Junius, the individual ended in the sovereignty Chatham, Fox, Pitt, Burke, and Sheri. of the people.

dan. In such a state, "all passions being I need not relate their lives nor unfree, hatred, envy, jealousy, the fervor fold their characters; I should have for wealth and distinction, would be to enter upon political details. Three displayed in all their fulness.” * We of them, Lord Chatham, Fox, and Pitt, can imagine with what force and ener. were ministers,* and their eloquence gy eloquence must have been implant is part of their power and their acts. ed and flourished. For the first time That eloquence is the concern of those since the fall of the ancient tribune, it men who may record their political found a soil in which it could take history ; I can simply take note of its root and live, and a harvest of orators tone and accent. sprang up, equal, in the diversity of their talents, the energy of their con

VIII. victions, and the magnificence of their

An extraordinary affilatus, a sort of style, to that which once covered the Greek agora the Roman forum. through all these speeches. Men speak

quivering of intense determination, runs For a long time it seemed that liberty and they speak as if they fought. No of speech, experience in affairs, the im

caution, politeness, restraint. They portance of the interests involved, and

are unfettered, they abandon them the greatness of the rewards offered, should have forced its growth; but and if they restrain themselves, it is

selves, they hurl themselves onward ; eloquence came to nothing, encrusted in theological pedantry, or "limited in only, that they may strike more piti local aims; and the privacy of the par:I elder Pitt first filled the House with

lessly and more forcibly. When the liamentary sittings. deprived it of half his vibrating voice, he already posits force by removing from it the light sessed his indomitable audacity. Io > day. Now at last there was light; vain Walpole tried to “inuzzle him," pelicity, at first incomplete, then en- then to crush him; his sarcasm was fire, gives Parliament the nation for an sent back to him with a prodigality of audience. Speech becomes elevated and enlarged at the same time that the pub bent, smitten with the truth of the

outrages, and the all-powerful minister lic is polished and more numerous. Classical art, become perfect, furnishes biting insult which the young man in.

Aicted on him. A lofty haughtiness, method and development. Modern culture introduces into technical rea

* Junius wrote anonymously, and critics have

not yet been able with certainty to reveal his Montesquieu, De l'Esprit des lois, book

Most probably he was Sir Philip nis. cha. 37

Francis.

true name.

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