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mint sauce and your new overcoat are so devilishly expensive.

Why has the number of sheep decreased so tremendously?

In the West the homesteader and the dry-farmer have encroached steadily upon the sheep range. The Forest Service made the sheep men pay for grazing privilege, help and supplies went up, but wool and mutton prior to the war remained fairly low. So the Western breeding. herds decreased, and in the other parts of the country the sheep-killing dog discouraged the farmers from keeping sheep.

On the afternoon of February 8, 1917, Henry K. Reed of Beaver County, Pennsylvania, had fifty-four breeding ewes worth twenty dollars each. On the morning of the next day he had only four left. The other fifty were killed during the night by two worthless curs.

The International Harvester Company asked five thousand farmers in all parts of the country why so few sheep were kept on the country's farms. All but eighteen gave the same answer: "Dogs!" If you want cheaper mutton and lamb chops, cheaper blankets, carpets, dresses, suits and overcoats, write your Congressman and ask him to work for a stiff Federal tax on dogs. There are 25,000,000 dogs in this country. At least half of them could be spared. Their departure would mean twelve million more sheep. The skins of the dead dogs would make thousands of leather coats and gloves and keep the price of wool closer to the earth. W w

many

Motor Truck The credit for the developMakes Money ment of the hundreds of new mines in the Far for the Miner West should not be given exclusively to the Kaiser and his rattling sword. True, the war lifted the prices of metals to such heights. that profitable exploitation of hitherto neglected deposits became possible, but in instances this exploitation could not have been undertaken if the modern motor truck and the modern tractor had not supplied an efficient means of low cost and rapid bulk transportation. Transportation for many years was the missing key to scores of rich but isolated mining districts in the Far West. Thousands of good prospects, hundreds of real mines lay idle because their product could not be transported to the point of consumption at reasonable cost. So long as a branch railroad line with a spur to each prospect was the only method of solving the transportation problem, the prospectors were resigned to an endless, hopeless period of waiting. The railroads were not building branch lines, more especially lines designed to open up new mining districts. They could not afford to spend money on speculative ventures while they were unable to borrow enough funds to enlarge their congested terminals and keep up their equipment.

Even before the war made its effect felt, the motor truck was beginning to give the isolated mining districts of the Far West new hope. The perfected staunch motor truck could haul ore and supplies at one-third of the cost of the mule team over indifferent roads. Good highways with a concrete foundation cut the motor hauling costs so deeply that they frequently went below rail freight rates. And for quantity hauls the tractor

INTERNATIONAL FILM SERVICE

Instead of killing and being killed, the American troops in Europe are playing Santa Claus this year. Their character and behavior ought to cement the good relations now existing and bring Europe and America closer together

with a train of trailers offered still further reductions.

The war, by raising the price of the product, merely speeded the development of motor transportation. But this development has barely begun. When labor and material become less scarce now that the war is over, the Far West will see a remarkable expansion of road building and motor transportation in the mining districts.

This is the Coast Ports'

Big Chance

In

the various coun1914 tries of the world sold to one another commodities that they grew, mined or manufactured with a total value of thirty-eight billion dollars. This figure represents the value of the world's foreign trade before the war. Of this total the Pacific Coast handled only a very small part. In those days the Pacific Coast ports were far distant from the great trade routes of the world which led from China, Japan and the Indies through the Suez Canal to London, Hamburg and Antwerp; from New York, New Orleans, Rio de Janeiro and Buenos Ayres to Liverpool, Rotterdam and Bremen.

Now these trade routes have been changed. A vast quantity of commodities is moving east from the Orient, the Indies and Australia to the Pacific Coast or on through Panama to New York and Philadelphia. This quantity will increase because of the remarkable awakening and expansion of China, Siberia and Japan during the war. But whether this trade will continue to move via the Pacific Coast depends largely upon the interest and the initiative of the Coast ports. They will have to arise early in the morning and keep hustling all day to hold what they have and add to it. But the prize is worth hustling for, especially as the new American mercantile marine will enable shippers to compete on equal terms with foreign competitors in all parts of the world.

It is encouraging to see the growth of popular interest in the problems of American shipping and American foreign trade not only along the Pacific Coast but far in the interior. Even the inland farmer is beginning to realize that larger markets for American commodities mean higher prices for his products, that American steamships sailing on regular schedules to all parts of the world mean enlarged markets and therefore more money in his pocket. Seventy-five years ago the United States was the greatest, most enterprising and successful marine carrier and trader in the world. With real popular support, the shipping and trading interest of the country can reconquer the rank they relinquished after the Civil War.

War Lifts

the Old

Man's Stock

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One of the blessings of the war is the disclosure of the fact that a comparatively old man with experience and training is, after all, worth more than a man whose principal asset is youth. In every country the great work of planning and directing has been done almost exclusively by men well past fifty. In every country the experienced man of fifty-five, sixty and more years, the man who had been half contemptuously pushed aside and put on a shelf, came back strong in all walks of life and proved conclusively that the world was committing a grave economic error in emphasizing and preferring youthful energy to mature experience. It is to be hoped that in the future this mistake will be recognized, that gray hair will be a recommendation instead of a handicap in the commercial and industrial life, just as it is in the political life.

The world has also come to a realization of the great asset it has in the potential productive capacity of its women. It has been shown that woman is as well fitted as man to carry on almost every

industrial process not requiring excessive physical effort, and it has also been demonstrated that a majority of the women like the work provided they are given good pay, short hours and the best of conditions.

With these two demonstrations it becomes apparent that there are enough workers and raw materials in the world to supply everyone with the things that make life pleasant and comfortable. In fact, there is a surplus of material and labor. The world can produce more than it can consume under the present system, and because it can produce more than is needed, it forces a large part of the workers to be idle and starve at periodic intervals.

It is not merely a question of keeping willing women and men over fifty at work. It is now strictly up to the various nonSocialist governments so to regulate industry and trade that any man or woman willing and able to work shall be put in touch with a job at living wages at all times. The fear of want breeds Bolsheviks. In self-preservation the so-called capitalist nations must see to it that this fear is taken away.

Why Are U. S. Troops in Russia?

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The Allied nations are not Allied troops are engaged at war with Russia, yet in bitter fighting on Russian soil, and American soldiers are in the forefront of the battle. What is the meaning of this incongruous situation?

To speak plainly, the Allied troops are fighting an idea, styled Bolshevism, a thing which in practice turns out to be a tyranny of the mob masquerading as communistic anarchism. Bolshevism means hunger, disease, constant killing, cruel despotism. It is a disease that spreads rapidly, and because it is infectious, the Allied troops are endeavoring to clean out the source of infection.

Bolshevism preaches the forcible overthrow of social institutions as at present constituted. Since society is a living, functioning body, it has the right of selfdefense, of self-preservation inherent in all life. It is perfectly justified in defending itself against attack. Bolshevism not only preaches attack upon existing social forms, but actually destroys them. Bolshevik armies invaded Finland, were ejected and have begun a new invasion for the purpose of organizing Finland on a Bolshevik basis. If the Bolsheviks are justified in thus attacking a neighboring country to spread their doctrines, surely the Allies have a right to attack the Bolsheviks.

The right and duty of self-defense apply to internal as well as international affairs. The person who deliberately sets out forcibly to overthrow existing social institutions must expect that society will hit him hard as soon as he appears to become dangerous. Society would be extremely stupid if it did not thus vigorously protect itself.

Under the law, both common and statutory, the man who constantly threatens to harm and kill another man, who incites others to attack this person, takes his life in his hand, because this person thus threatened is justified in shooting him on sight. Bolsehviks who preach the doctrine of destruction usually fail to take

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Of course the efforts of four transcontinental railroads helped Puget Sound to build up its heavy foreign trade. Of course the possession of new docks and warehouses built for the expected Panama Canal trade was a strong factor in attracting offshore war business; and the facts that the port charges in Seattle were levied against the cargo instead of being placed on the ship, that there was no compulsory pilotage fee and the new wharves were equipped with modern cargo-loading devices all assisted in attracting freight, but in addition to all these factors there is still another one counting heavily in Seattle's favor. That factor consists in the plain, ordinary variety of American hustle.

When Alaska suddenly developed a heavy trade, Seattle got up before dawn, roped the aforesaid trade and had it branded and corralled before the sun left the horizon. Seattle did the same thing when war business assumed large proportions. And now Seattle, recognizing

the tremendous possibilities of the transPacific trade in the reorganized, reconstructed after-the-war world, is working feverishly to reserve the choisest space on the ground floor. Three or four commissions of Seattle business men have gone or are going to study trade conditions and establish connections in Japan, China, Siberia and Australia; three classes of business men and women are learning the Russian language; Seattle shipping concerns are establishing agencies in the Orient and in Siberia even before they have the necessary ships.

If Seattle bites a large chunk out of the new Far Eastern trade the port's success won't be due to bull-headed luck and favorable location by any means. Preparedness and swift attack have their value in other fields besides military strategy.

Salmon and Theology

in Alaska

The doctrine of transubsubstantiation, of the bodily presence of the eucharist in the sacrament, was officially adopted by the Council of Trent in 1563 and has continued to furnish the theme for many a long theological dissertation ever since, but it did not come in conflict with the cold facts of modern business until Father William Duncan converted the Metlakahtla Indians from cannibalism to Christianity. Both the doctrine of transubstantiation and the demands of modern business lost, but the erstwhile cannibals and humanity gained.

Father Duncan decades ago went out as an Episcopal missionary to the Metlakahtla tribe on the northern coast of British Columbia. Under his guiding hand the Indians became Christianized, civilized and founded a flourishing settlement. But the doctrine of transubstantiation, one of the tenets of the Episcopal creed, was not taught by Father Duncan. Even though the bishop of the diocese demanded that the doctrine be taught, the missionary resisted. As a last resort the bishop removed the obdurate missionary and appointed a successor.

best friend. Rather than accept the new orthodox missionary, they abandoned. Metlakahtla, left British Columbia, and

But the Indians declined to leave their

settled on American soil, on the Annette Islands of southeastern Alaska, where they soon built up another prosperous settlement based on their industrious pursuit of the salmon. In due time the United States Government by presidential proclamation declared the Annette Islands and the waters around them an Indian reservation.

A salmon-packing corporation did not care whether the doctrine of transubstantiation was or was not taught; it knew that there were good sites for fish traps in the waters around the Annette Islands and it proceeded to build them. The federal district court issued an injunction, which was attacked by the packing company on the ground that the Indians were aliens and not legally entitled to the privilege of a reservation. The plea was denied and the Indians still enjoy freedom from incompatible theological doctrines and machine competition.

Father Duncan, the last heretic persecuted on the Pacific Coast, has retired from active labor and is spending the closing years of his life in Juneau.

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The report of the bomb that exploded on this spot in San Francisco, killing ten persons and maiming fifty, was heard around the world through the publicity given the Mooney case

The Mooney Case

By Walter V. Woehlke

When the cable reported a year ago that a Petrograd revolutionary
mob had attacked the American embassy to protest against the
execution of an anarchist named "Muni," the eyes of the United
States turned toward San Francisco, the entire country became inter-
ested in the trial of the Western radicals accused of having murdered
ten persons by means of an infernal machine. Long before America
became interested, the propaganda of the defense had taken root in
many foreign countries, arousing the indignation of the radicals and
supporting the charge that the United States was a capitalistic country
without justice or mercy for the worker. In the ensuing articles the
author is neither championing the defense nor endeavoring to protect
the prosecution. It is his aim to give the reader a complete picture
of the internationally famous case, leaving the deductions to the

ACIFISTS and Preparedness advocates unlimbered their batteries in the good old days of 1915 and bombarded each other until all America was filled with the noise of combat. For a time the Pacifists held their ground, but early in 1916 they began to retreat. Their opponents, pointing to Europe with one hand and to Mexico with the other, proved too strong. In 1916 scores of associations and leagues, all anxious to help put the country's defenses in order, suddenly came into being and Preparedness parades became the order of the day.

A few of these organizations are still in existence and doing good work, but a great many others are gone and not a few of their promoters are in jail or on the way. The gentry that lives by its wits, that preys on the vanity, the credulity or the good impulses of the public saw in the Preparedness movement a fat chance to pull down some easy money

reader's judgment. The Editor.

and leaped into the front seat of the band
wagon. Several solicitors and an officer
of the National Defense League, for in-
stance, are now awaiting trial in the Fed-
eral courts on charges of having diverted
many thousands of donated dollars into
their own pockets.

Los Angeles had its Preparedness
parade. When Los Angeles was done, a
movement for a Preparedness parade be-
gan in San Francisco. The Chamber of

Commerce was asked to endorse and take charge of the parade, but the officers and directors emphatically and repeatedly declined to have anything to do with the affair. Robert Newton Lynch, the vice-president and manager of the organization, did not like the actions of two solicitors who, without his knowledge or consent, had used his name in asking for donations to the cause. Other respectable citizens, however, lent their names, contributed their money and the date of the event was

finally set for July 22.

Of the San Francisco press, the Hearst papers did their best to make the parade a success. The Chronicle mildly endorsed the movement, but the Bulletin, then edited by Fremont Older, the strongest, most brilliant and influential radical journalist of the Pacific Coast, consistently opposed the Preparedness movement and all its symptoms. The various organs of the labor unions, the Clarion,

the Tri-City Labor Review and similar obscure publications followed the Bulletin's

lead. The bitterest, the most venomous

attacks upon the Preparedness parade came from the Blast, a scarlet weekly founded by Alexander Berkman, the anarchist, and then edited by Thomas J. Mooney, a deep-red radical, who had been acting as subscription

solicitor. The Blast did not differ materially from similar publications like the Appeal to Reason, except that it was even more violent in its utterances. Nobody except the Post Office Department cared, however. Only a small group of ultra-radicals they styled themselves the Blasters-read the weekly, which had to be kept alive by the proceeds of picnics and entertainments. The community as a whole was not aware of its existence.

Shortly before the date set for the parade postal cards containing threats against the participants and urging abandonment of the demonstration were

re

ceived by a number of persons, but little attention was paid these ominous messages. On a bright Saturday afternoon the parade, not an imposing procession compared with similar demonstrations in other cities, started from the water front along the usual route up the city's principal thoroughfare.

THE EXPLOSION

Half and hour later, at 2:06 P. M., an infernal machine exploded on Steuart street close to Market, a short block from the starting point. So terrific was the force of the explosion, so devilishly efficient was the infernal machine that ten persons were killed on the spot and fifty others were injured, many of them seriously. A little girl had her leg blown off and others sustained wounds that made them invalids for life.

greatest controversies in the history of American jurisprudence, a controversy that found an echo in every country and became a factor exerting an influence even upon the red tide of the world war. The controversy is still going on all around the world. It may continue to be a controversy for all time unless all honest

cattle ranch, where he became a daring rider able to rope and tie any steed, ars expert shot and an all-around outdoors man. The influences of the frontier environment of his youth are still noticeable in his speech, action, mode of thought and outlook upon life. He is of the primitive, direct type, without subtlety, fear or great

Before his arrest Thomas Mooney was an obscure anarchist unknown beyond the circle of his associates and the police. His trial for murder caused a Bolshevik demonstration against the America embassy in Petrograd and his cause has been taken up by labor organizations in a dozen countries

It was a cowardly, wanton, senseless, brutal crime. Its victims were inoffensive men, veterans of the Civil and Spanish wars, women and children who crowded the sidewalk to see the show, whose death and maiming could not possibly have the slightest effect for or against Prepared

ness.

And the wanton nature of the murder aroused the entire city to whitehot fury. The second day after the crime a mass meeting was held in the Civic Auditorium in which representatives of all classes of the population, including the Chamber of Commerce and the labor unions, denounced the criminals and demanded the utmost efforts to apprehend and punish them. Rewards for their capture and conviction were offered and a special Bomb Bureau of the police department was organized.

Six days after the explosion Mooney, his wife, Mrs. Rena Herman Mooney, Warren K. Billings, Israel Weinberg and Edward Nolan were arrested, charged with murder and indicted by the grand jury. District Attorney Charles M. Fickert began to prepare for their prosecution. The stage was set for one of the

doubt is removed by a confession of the criminal. This study of the famous case has been made not to determine the guilt or innocence of Thomas Mooney and his co-defendants, not to prove whether the defendant had a fair trial or was convicted on manufactured evidence, but to give a complete picture of the trial and its background, to set forth without bias or prejudice all the essential facts as clearly, as dispassionately as the limitations of human nature will permit, to the end that the reader be able better and more intelligently to draw his own conclusions.

Before proceeding to the consideration of the evidence, it becomes necessary to take a closer look at the three principal figures in the controversy, District Attorney Fickert, Thomas Mooney and Fremont Older, the defendant's champion.

FICKERT THE PROSECUTOR

Charles M. Fickert, a six-footer so huge and powerful that his football exploits have become legendary at Stanford University, was brought up on his father's

personal ambition, a rough-hewn giant, apparently more at home in the saddle than in the meticulous, precise atmosphere of the law court. With his brothers he inherited a ranch of several thousand acres from his father's estate.

It has been charged against him that he was made district attorney by the United Railroads for the express purpose of dismissing the graft indictments pending against Patrick Calhoun, the president, and other officials of the company. If such a deal was made, it received the endorsement of a majority of San Francisco's voters three times in succession.

The famous San Francisco graft prosecution, instigated by Fremont Older, financed by Rudolph Spreckels and carried out by Burns and Heney, began in 1906. Three years later the net results were the convictions of Ruef and Schmitz, the bribery confessions of eighteen supervisors, the indictments of half a dozen leading financiers, attorneys and business men, a number of acquittals and a feud between the supporters and the opponents of the prosecution so deadly and bitter that it threatened permanently to divide the community into two hostile camps. The city was tired of the sensational proceedings; still suffering from the effects of the earthquake and fire, it wanted to put an end to the prosecution, stop the quarreling and settle down to business. Even Fremont Older, originator of the graft prosecution, in his autobiography

explicitly states that the community was weary of the trials and wanted to see them ended. Yet the prosecutions went on and promised to be intensified if Heney, who was running for District Attorney on the Democratic and Good Government ticket, was elected. Fickert, in the first direct-primary election, was nominated by the Republicans and the Union Labor parties. Between them the issue was sharply drawn. Shall the graft prosecution go on or shall it be ended? was the principal question. Fickert won by a majority of 12,000 over Heney and dismissed the remaining indictments. His election stunned Older. The editor had confidently counted on a complete triumph. Fickert's election was the worst defeat he had ever sustained and it nullified all his ambitious plans to "get the men higher up."

Of course Patrick Calhoun, himself under indictment, and the United Railroads supported Fickert. On the issues of the campaign they would have supported Judas Iscariot or Benedict Arnold had either of them run against Heney.

At the end of his first term Fickert ran again. Every paper in the city was

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inst him. The Republicans, the Demats and the Good Government faction ve against him. No one endorsed him ept the Union Labor party. The United Rlroads charge was raised against him Older, yet the forces of organized or and the "wet" open-town vote retuned him to office.

le ran and was reëlected in 1915, when h was nominated by the Republicans, Democrats and the Union Labor pty, the latter having supported him in a three of his campaigns, even when the publicans opposed him. In the conact of his office the Union Labor party ways received ample recognition in the pointment of deputies who had risen om the ranks of organized labor. It was this primitive, sledge-hammer, uck-the-line district attorney who was narged with the task of taking the evience collected by the San Francisco poce and presenting it to the jury trying homas Mooney for his life.

THE DEFENDANT

To his friends Tom Mooney may be the focal point of the famous case, but to the world at large his personal fate no longer matters. It has been lost in the question whether the orderly processes of the law in an American commonwealth can be disregarded by an unscrupulous prosecutor who is willing to hang an innocent man on manufactured evidence, or whether a guilty murderer can escape punishment because he is a member of a labor organization. The issue has ceased long ago to revolve around an individual; it has broadened and deepened until it touches the foundation upon which the institutions of this Republic are built.

Tom Mooney never liked this foundation. From early youth, even before he came in contact with the forces of organized discontent, he seems to have been dissatisfied with the world in general and with his lot in particular. He learned the trade of an iron molder, earning and saving enough money at this trade to enable him to take a European trip that covered Great Britain, France, Spain, Italy, Austria, Switzerland, Germany and Holland. This journey he undertook in 1907, during the year when work was slack at home. In Europe it seems that he imbibed the doctrines of the Socialists. Late in 1907 he went south, penetrated as far as Mexico City, turned north and finally arrived in California. In Stockton he became acquainted with Mrs. Rena Herman, the young wife of a mechanic. He seems to have been drawn to her because of the similarity of their views. Several years later the Hermans were divorced and Mrs. Herman became Mrs. Mooney.

At this time Mooney gradually began to drift out of his trade and to become a professional radical. In 1908 he traveled with Eugene V. Debs, Socialist candidate for president, on the Red Special. The following year he became a subscription solicitor for a Socialist publication, earn

ing a trip to a Socialist convention in Copenhagen as a reward of his efforts. In 1912 Mooney established a revolutionary weekly, The Revolt, in San Francisco, but the scarlet seed fell upon stony ground. In a short time the publication died of inanition.

It appears that about this time Mooney's mental make-up experienced still another change. He had been in turn a devout unionist and an enthusiastic program Socialist, always impelled by the sincere and unselfish desire to speed up the improvement in the condition of the workers. Now he became disgusted with the conservatism of the trade union forces and impatient with the political program of the Socialist party. Like every other ultra-red radical, he watched with disgust the vast mass of mankind cling desperately to the certain means of daily livelihood, declining steadfastly to follow his frantic appeal and leap into the uncertain sea of Social Revolution. Except sporadically, his campaign was making no headway. The "wage slaves" declined to subscribe to his paper; his attempt to convert the International Molders' Union to his revolutionary principles failed. Instead of becoming more radical, the union-labor forces in San Francisco, having gained a dominant position industrially and politically, by their very success discouraged radicalism and followed a policy of peaceful penetration.

Embittered by the failure of all his efforts to fan the spark of discontent by preaching, Mooney tried a new tack. Apparently he determined to force himself

into the front rank of the San Francisco trade-union movement, kick out the old conservative leaders, leap into the saddle and, through the power of his personality, transform the job-defending, job-protecting unions into an aggressive, militant army of red rebels.

To this end he injected himself into every strike that came along. When the workers in the factory of the Heyman Shoe Company quit, Molder Mooney suddenly appeared as captain of pickets. Warren K. Billings, an employee of the concern and ostensibly out of sympathy with the strikers, remained at work and slept in the factory while reporting to Mooney. While Billings was sleeping in the factory, several hundred pairs of shoes were destroyed, and during a tussle following this destruction Billings shot the watchman in the hand. Maxwell McNutt, later on counsel for the defense of Mooney and Billings, in his capacity of Fickert's deputy prosecuted Billings, but the jury disagreed and the case was dismissed.

In 1913 the employees of the Pacific Gas and Electric Company, a concern supplying the largest part of Central California with current and gas, went on a strike. Because the company had always given its workers a square deal, the strike did not last long. The men went back to work. The only ones remaining out were the electricians, and they kept on striking not because they had bitter grievances against the company, but principally because the company dealt with the union recognized by the Ameri

Charles M. Fickert, the San Francisco district attorney who was three times elected to office by the steadfast support of the trade unions, yet who is charged with "framing" Mooney to strike a blow at labor

can Federation of Labor and ignored the local outlaw faction. The strike was prolonged because of a family feud between the rival unions, in which the company was the innocent bystander who is hit by all the bricks.

DYNAMITING BEGINS

In all probability Mooney became familiar with the handling of dynamite during this strike, in which he took an active part, though he had no connection whatsoever either with the company or the unions concerned. The strike was marked by much violence and destruction, the farflung transmission lines and isolated stations offering ideal opportunities for attack. In a dozen locations the towers of transmission lines were dynamited, substations blown up, short circuits established and 770 separate cases of assault and damage were recorded.

In order to protect its property, its employees and the consumers, the company had to hire numerous guards and detectives to patrol the lines and plants. As a result of their and the public authorities' work 109 arrests were made and forty-two men were sent to the penitentiary. One of these forty-two was Warren K. Billings, Mooney's associate in the shoe strike.

Like Mooney, Billings was an outsider unconnected with the strikers or the company. He was arrested in Sacramento after he had left a train from Oakland

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