banish for a time; the shell deposited in the appointed vessel was a vote against him. This extraordinary proceeding was adopted cautiously and with many safeguards. It was first of all discussed and decided both in the senate and the public assembly, whether the state of the republic really required such an extreme proceeding. If this preliminary question was decided in the affirmative, a day was named, the market-place was railed round, ten openings were made for the ten tribes, who poured their shells into ten vessels, and in the evening a scrutiny was made. If six thousand votes were given against any particular person, he was obliged to leave Attica within ten days for ten years. If a smaller number than six thousand adverse votes was given, the proceedings were nugatory. The sentence embraced nothing beyond compulsory absenteeism. There was no loss either of property or good name. was rather an honour than a disgrace that a citizen should be selected for this exceptional position.

It

These alterations made by Cleisthenes were exceedingly popular, and such as completely distanced the aristocratic party in the popular estimation. It was plain to Isagoras and his friends that their own party was unable to maintain itself without assistance. He accordingly sought the co-operation of the Spartan king Cleomenes. A colourable pretext for interference was easily at hand. Cleomenes revived the charge of sacrilege against the Alcmæonids, and demanded the expulsion of the accursed race. Cleisthenes thought himself unable to resist this horrible charge, which was always overhanging his family, and withdrew from Athens. This did not, however, satisfy Cleomenes. His object was, not only to expel Cleisthenes, but to reinstate Isagoras. This he accordingly did. He abolished the Council of Five Hundred and established a Council of Three Hundred, consisting of partizans of Isagoras, and banished hundreds of persons whom Isagoras designated. But when the Athenians saw that Cleomenes was supported by only a small force, they rose in armed resistance and besieged Cleomenes and Isagoras in the citadel. On the third day the two were obliged to capitulate, but were allowed to depart unmolested. But merciless

revenge was taken on their adherents, the whole of them being put to death, and the banished families were recalled.

Cleomenes was, however, resolved that he would exact a heavy reparation for the humiliation which he had been forced to undergo. The Athenians, hearing with great alarm of the preparations which were being made against them, sent envoys to Artaphernes, the Persian satrap at Sardis, to solicit his protection. This Artaphernes was ready to do on condition that the Athenians should give earth and water in token of their subjection to the Persians. The Athenian envoys agreed to this, but the condition was afterwards indignantly repudiated at Athens. In due time Cleomenes, having raised a large army in the Peloponnesus, in conjunction with his colleague, Demaratus, invaded Attica on the side of Eleusis. He had also concerted an alliance with the Thebans and with the Chalcidians of Euboea, and at the same time that he made his invasion, the Thebans poured in on the north and took some towns, and the Chalcidians crossed over and ravaged the eastern coast. The Athenians were probably only saved by dissensions among their opponents. The Corinthians disbanded their troops and returned home, considering that they were only the instruments of Cleomenes in an unjust quarrel. King Demaratus also refused to act with his colleague. The Peloponnesian allies, seeing that the two Spartan kings were at variance, followed the example of the Corinthians, and Cleomenes, finding himself almost alone, was obliged to relinquish his intentions of vengeance. The Athenians now turned their arms against the other members of the coalition. They marched towards the Euripus with the intention of crossing into Euboea and attacking Chalcis. On their way they encountered the Thebans, whom they defeated with great slaughter, and took many prisoners. The same day they crossed the straits and won a victory over the Chalcidians. They confiscated the lands of the wealthy Chalcidian class, and divided them among four thousand Attic citizens,1 who also retained

1 These were called kλnpoûxoɩ, Cleruchi, lot-holders.

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their own franchise at home. This addition to Athenian territory was a great gain in every way. "The Athenians then," said Herodotus, "waxed mighty. And it is plain that, not in one matter only, but in every way, liberty is a brave thing."

The Thebans, burning to avenge their disgrace, in compliance with a vague direction from the Delphic oracle, persuaded the ginetans to espouse their quarrel. This was not difficult, as Ægina was then at the height of her prosperity, and there was a long-standing feud between her and Athens. The Thebans recommenced hostilities on the northern frontiers, and at the same time the Eginetans ravaged the coast. The Athenians were also threatened with a far greater danger, in impending hostilities from the Lacedæmonians. The recent successes and the growing power of Athens were extremely distasteful to the Spartans. They had by this time made the discovery that the Pythian priestess had practised a fraud on them at the instigation of Cleisthenes. They were now very sorry that, for the sake of the troublesome and encroaching Athenians, they had ruined their old allies, the Pisistratids. They summoned a congress at Sparta to deliberate on the best means of effecting the restoration of Hippias. At this congress Hippias was himself present. The allies of the Spartans were by no means disposed to look with favour on such a proposition. The general discontent found a spokesman in Sosicles, the Corinthian. Surely," said Sosicles, "the heavens will sink beneath the earth, and the earth ascend aloft above the heavens; men will live in the sea, and fishes where men did before, now that you, O Lacedæmonians, abolish equality, dissolve a commonwealth, and propose to set up tyrannies in the cities, than which there is nothing more unjust nor more cruel among men. First set up a tyrant over yourselves, and then attempt to set them up over others." Sosicles then told the story of tyranny at Corinth, and gave a long account of Cypselus and Periander. 'Such, O Lacedæmonians," he concluded, "is a tyranny, and such are its deeds. Great astonishment, therefore, immediately seized us, Corinthians, when we understood you had sent for Hippias; but now we are still more astonished at hear

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ing you say what you do; and we entreat you not to establish tyrannies in the cities. Nevertheless if you will not desist, but, against all right, endeavour to restore Hippias, know that the Corinthians at least do not approve your design."

The rest of the allies, with loud acclamation, testified their approval of the words of Sosicles. Thus the Spartan design was frustrated. Hippias left the congress, declaring that the Corinthians would most of all regret what they had done when, in the future evil days, they would be troubled by the Athenians. He went back to Sigæum, and afterwards proceeded to the court of Darius, where he became a link in the chain of events which brought on the Persian invasion of Greece.

SUPPLEMENTARY NOTE.

ON THE CONSTITUTION OF CLEISTHENES.

A. THE Ten Tribes, instituted by Cleisthenes, with names derived from Attic heroes, in order of precedence, were, Erechtheis, Egeis, Pandionis, Leontis, Acamantis, Eneis, Cecropis, Hippothoöntis, antis, Antiochis.

It is supposed that the townships, or parishes (duo) were originally a hundred, but they may have been more. In the third century they amounted to one hundred and seventy-four.

The towns

people were called demotai (ônμórai), and had a chief magistrate or demarchos (dμapxos) and other officials. They had their assemblies or parish meetings, in which they jealously watched the enrolment of new citizens.

B. The alterations made in the Senate may be briefly summarized. It consisted of five hundred members ((Bovλevraí), fifty being chosen by lot out of each of the ten new tribes. To correspond with this division the year was divided into ten portions called Prytanies (puτaveîai). The senators in each tribe took by turns the duty of presiding in the senate and assembly, and had the title of Prytanes (TPUTaves). Each tribe took one of these portions of time, either thirty-six or thirty-five days. Four prytanies had the first space and six the second, making three hundred and fifty-four days, the Athenian year. They had a public building to hold their meetings in (TPUTαveîov), and were entertained during their time of office at the public expense. Each tribe's fifty senators were subdivided into five bodies of ten each, and the prytany was subdivided into five periods of ten days each; so only ten senators presided for a week over the rest, and were called proëdri (#рóedрoi). Out of

this a chairman called epistates (TOTάrns) was chosen every day to preside in the senate and the ecclesia.1

The senate had the power of summoning the Ecclesia. Later, the Ecclesia met regularly four times during each prytany. The senato submitted bills to the Ecclesia. The bill would be called a probouleuma (πpоВоúλevμα) or a psephism (výploua). It was called the latter when endorsed by a decree of the people, and so made binding on all classes.

Cleisthenes gave the people a judicial power such as they had never before possessed. He provided that all citizens above the age of thirty should be competent to sit in judgment in trials for public offences. Assemblies were to meet for the purpose. The assembly so convened was called Heliæa ('Hλaía), and its' members Heliasts (λiaoτaí). Subsequently the Helima was divided into ten different courts.

CHAPTER XII.

THE GREEK COLONIES.

In

We now come to the vast and interesting subject of the Greek colonies, which connect the history of Greece with the general history of three continents. watching the growth of these colonies we see how Greek history spreads far beyond the narrow limits of territorial Greece; how the marvellous Hellenic race was raised up by Providence to civilize regions vastly surpassing their own in extent and population; and how thus a language almost universal was prepared whereby the blessed truths of the gospel might find easier access among mankind. It is to be observed that the early history of nearly all the colonies dates back from mythical times; and although these myths doubtless preserve some important facts, it is difficult or impossible to separate them entirely from surrounding fable. It seems to be generally agreed that the Eolian migration was the earliest. When the inhabitants of the Peloponnesus were dispossessed by the Dorians, and the inhabitants of Boeotia by the Eolians, it is believed that the dispossessed races were seeking new seats of habitation; and that the conquering and

It was in later times that the nine representatives of the nonprytanising tribes were called póedpot, and took the place of the old TPUTάVEIS. (Journal of Philology,' June, 1870.)