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perhaps indulging no small share of praise and self complacence from their zeal for the church, and their choice of representatives, who will be the friends and supporters of the constitution, I may be considered as wanting in justice to the loyalty of their feelings, and forgetful of the exertions which they are making to express it. My fears and apprehensions too for the future may appear as unfounded as the past; and whatever might have been the alarm, or the actual danger of the moment, no such thing, they will say, can happen again; and if it should, the king will take care of us as he did before; and we have now ministers and members that will stand by him in the defence of the church.

You, my lord, are too well acquainted with human nature to be surprised at my fears. Elated as the public may be by a temporary triumph, and secure as they may think themselves in the numbers that the popular enthusiasm will have added to the friends of the king, you know how soon and strong the tide may run another way. The public rejoice, but they scarcely allow themselves to understand the subject of their joy. It is a victory, but over whom obtained, or what are the probable advantages to be expected from it, are questions which they are too deeply engaged to inquire. I rejoice, but it is with trembling; and unite with every grateful voice in sounding the praises of our great deliverer; but at the same time I fear, and you too well know the ground of my fears. While I contemplate the danger we have at this time escaped, I look forward with trembling anxiety to what is yet to come; and the aggravation of my uneasiness is, that in proportion to the fears I entertain, is the confidence that you indulge that at some future time, the thing will be done.

"Men who have no strong principle of their own to guide them, but must be governed by the conscience of another; who are indifferent, careless, and unattached to any principles, and alike uninterested in all, cannot be very formidable opponents; cannot be expected to make any strong stand in defence of their church; cannot do much in its support against the numerous and increasing enemies that it has to encounter; but must at some time or other be found in such a state of security and weakness, of blind confidence in their safety, and inaptitude to all exertions that are necessary to defend it, that they must be overpowered by their zealous and increasing enemies-enemies that are never disheartened by defeat; that have always fresh forces to bring into the field; that have sworn eternal hatred to our church; that will never cease to harrass us with their petitions, motions, remon strances, and demands, until they at length obtain the object of their wish-the fall of our church, if not the ascendancy of their

own."

That these fears are very serious and well grounded is shewn not only from the general apathy of the people, but

from

from the remarkable concessions of some of our statesmen who opposed the Catholic Question, not as intrinsically bad, but as being only unseasonable. In thus allowing that "it is not the time" for such a measure, these politicians admit that there is nothing objectionable in the measure itself.

This consideration is discussed at length, and with consi derable force of reafoning in this letter. It is here proved that the spirit of the Romish religion is the fame that it always was, and that “not even the laxity of principle in this liberal and enlightened age, which is prepared to fall in with any feligion that might have the ascendance, of at least to give no opposition to any, would be safe from its tyrannous and oppressive power.

The author very ably vindicates the Society for promoting Christian Knowledge against the petulant and impertinent accusation of Lord Grenville. Most strange it is that any man of common understanding should presume to cens sure a religious society for expressing a concern about a public measure which affected the religion they professed, and for the support and propagation of which they were associated.

Yet this lofty statesman did so presume, and thus he is answered by the letter-writer, who is a member of that society as well as his lordship.

"In questions that concern the religion of the country, the very existence of that church of which they are all members, will his 18rship say that such a society should feel no interest; that they should leave these things to statesmen, to public men, and confine themselves to the distribution of prayer books and tracts, which would be no longer of any use, if there were no longer a Protestant Church, and Protestants to use them? Suppose that our statesmen, our public men who arrogate to themselves the power of ruling and disposing of our church, as "a political measure, were to introduce a bill at once declaratory of its total abolition, or only of the dissolution of its alliance with the state, that it must in future take care of itself, and look to its own preservation and safety; for that the government of the country would have nothing further to do with the Church or its concerns; must not the society interpose even by an humble petition, because it is a religious society must not the clergy complain, because politics is not their provincë? must no friend of the church come forward to point out its injuries, because the measure is a political one, and religion has nothing to do with political questions: that it is a business which must be left altogether to statesmen, to public men?" "They, whose object it is to promote the gospel of peace, to

support

support that Church which is the bond of unity and Christian love, must they feel no alarm in the time of danger? must they express no fears must they feel no joy when the danger is overpast? Is it. to the purposes of their institution of no consequence whether the church, already too much divided, be still more divided than it is, whether the Church be Romish or reformed; whether the church which they are associated to support, be the national church, or whether other churches prevail against them; whether there be any religion or none? It is of the very essence of their institution that they should uphold, strengthen, and unite the church, by law established; and when they see a measure which has a tendency to divide rather than to unite, to sow the seeds of dissension rather than the seeds of union, are they to feel no interest in such a question? When they see that instead of that peace and good will which the gospel is intended to promote on earth, animosities and strifes are the necessary effects of such measures, are they to feel no interest in such questions? Must they be afraid to express a fear, a petition, or even to offer up a thanksgiving, lest they should be considered as interfering in the province of public men? Prece et lachrymæ sunt arma Ecclesia, but you will not allow them even these.

The author then goes on to fhew, that fo far from the clergy and religious Tocieties being deferving of blame for meddling with fuch questions, it is the duty of every mem ber and friend to religion and the church, to feel an inte reft in a meafure that concerns their religion and the church.

"Whether clergy or laity, all are interested, deeply interested in such questions. Whether the danger be nearer or more remote, if such be the consequence that is likely to arise from the measure, it must be allowed to those who will be eventually injured, to complain; and it is a duty which they owe to themselves and to their posterity, to oppose it with temper and firmness; to appeal to the legitimate sources of protection in the time of danger; to express their grateful feelings to the same legitimato source when the danger has been averted. It might be considered as too nearly verging upon a political measure if they were to have a prospective view, to future danger, and to carry their precaution so far as to be careful in the choice of their representatives; but as questions of high concern to the interests of religion have been canvassed, and may again be so by public men, and we may not have always the friend to look to who has stood our friend upon the present occasion, it might not be too great a stretch of our caution and care, to consider to whom we commit the power of de-. ciding questions on which may depend whether at a future time, the national church be the Romish or the Reformed, whether our chil dren shall be Catholics or Protestants, whether the church have

rest

rest from its enemies; or be barassed on every side; whether the church be divorced from the state, or whether there be any church or religion left at all."

The author deplores with great feeling that listlessness to the concerns of religion, which prevails among all ranks, and he very justly argues, that if this baneful spirit shall continue to increase, the consequences must in the end be fatal.

"Religious indifference in the public," he truly observes, “will produce like indifference in those who represent them. Habits of luxury on one hand, where no regard is paid to the worship of God or the principles of religion, and on the other the most active exertions to draw away those who have any religion remaining, and enlist them in the ranks of religious opposition, must be continually weakening the foundations of the church; and while its enemies are increasing, its friends must be gradually becoming more indifferent and unable to defend it. At a time when it most needs their support, their indifference is such that they care little about it. Whether, in a contest like the present, it prevail over the Catholic, or the Catholic over it, is of much less concern to them, than who may be the ministers, or what the numbers that may be mustered upon a division on which the existence of a ministry, rather than the existence of the church may depend. If their sovereign choose to interfere, it is well: they may support him and get some credit for their attachment to the church, while they express their loyalty to their king. Church and king may be their favourite toast and topic, so long as the popular voice goes along with them: but when (which God avert! and while our present king shall reign, can never be the case) the king shall cease to be the defender of the church, the church must do as it can: the state must be defended: religion is not a thing to stand in the way of public measures or public men,"

At the close of the letter, the paternal watchfulness and discernment of the king on this occasion is again very ju diciously brought forward to notice, and certainly it is a circumstance which cannot be too deeply impressed upon the mind of every protestant in the United Kingdom.

The framers and supporters of this measure pretend that there was no danger in it; on which the author of the letter observes ;

"We seem by the defence that has been made to think so too. It Is his Majesty's conscience, not our own, that was affected. He saw the danger, not we ourselves; it was his discovery, not our His subjects could not, in the little sheet of parchment

own.

which lay upon the table, find out, until he explained it to them, that, by one of the clauses of your bill, the provisions that had been made for the security of the Protestant church, were, so far as respects the navy and the army, repealed: by the other, not only all distinction between the Catholic and the Protestant was done away; but, to the incalculable injury of the service, the morals of the men, and the cause of religion, all religious worship and instruction were at once abolished."

The style of this letter is clear and vigorous, and the arguments are close and convincing: the writer has indeed the happy art of placing his subject in a variety of new and important lights, by which the general conclusion is more forcibly illustrated and established.

MISCELLANEOUS INTELLIGENCE.

HE Bishop of London has

pel at Ide Hill, in the parish of Sundridge in Kent, at the distance of two miles from the parish church, for the convenience of the inhabitants of that hamlet to attend divine service; and has also built a house for the chaplain. The chapel and house are of stone, in a very neat and proper style, and commanding a beautiful and extensive view of the country. The Bishop has for some years past resided, in the autumn, at a little villa he has purchased in that parish; and frequently gratified and instructed the parishioners, by his eloquent and admirable discourses from the pulpit. The consecration of the chapel, by the Archbishop of Canterbury, took place ou June 12, and was a most solemn and interesting ceremony. It was witnessed by a great concourse of people assembled on the occasion, many more than the

chapel would contain; notwith

conducted with the utmost deco

rum.

At the time of morning service, the Bishop of London's coach arrived at the chapel with the Archbishop, his Lordship, the Rev. Dr. Vyse, rector, and the Rev. Mr. Dicks, curate of the parish. In the next carriage followed the proper officers of the Ecclesiastical Courts of Canterbury and London, with their respective attendants on horseback; In the next were Lord Frederick Campbell and his lady, from their seat at Coombank, in the parish of Sundridge; and in several other carriages the principal families of the neighbourhood. At the entrance of the chapel, after his Grace was robed, the Bishop, Clergy, &c. standing uncovered, a Petition was addressed to the Archbishop, stating the want of a place of worship in that part of the parish, and praying him to

Yol, XIII, Churchm. Mag. for July, 1807.

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