apprehended by the civil power and thrown into prison, where they were detained until after the suppression of the unfortunate rising accomplished by the victory gained at Culloden.*

This accident, which the zealous presbyter deeply bewailed as the means of preventing him from kissing the hand of the regent, saved him from the severer penalties which were inflicted upon those who were actually engaged in the insurrection; and hence it appears that, when tranquillity was restored, the conscientious jacobite returned into the bosom of his charge at Leith, to mourn over the disappointment of his hopes and the loss of many friends, as well as to record their exploits and vindicate their characters. He steadily prosecuted his design of collecting, from the mouths and pens of the survivors of the late enterprise, such narratives and anecdotes as they could give from their own knowledge respecting that extraordinary incident. His papers, we are told, whether contributed in writing, or taken by himself from oral communication, he regularly transcribed upon octavo sheets, which in the end formed volumes; and nothing, it is added, can exceed the neatness, distinctness, and accuracy with which the whole task is performed. He took care, in particular, to see most of the individuals who had been apprehended for their concern in the prince's escape, and carried prisoners to London, an opportunity being generally afforded by their passing through Edinburgh, on their way back to the Highlands.

"The collection, which ultimately filled ten volumes, was bound in black, with black-edged leaves, and styled, in allusion to the woe of Scotland for her exiled race of princes, The Lion in Mourning; or, a Collection (as exactly made as the iniquity of the times would permit) of Speeches, Letters, Journals, relative to the Affairs, but more particularly to the Dangers and Distresses of -.' The first three volumes bear the date 1747; the next three, of 1748; the seventh is dated in 1749, the eighth in 1750, the ninth in 1761, and the tenth in 1775. It thus appears that the bulk of the collection was made immediately after the close of the insurrection, when the recollections of the actors must of course have been most fresh; and this part of the collection is fortunately the most important in historical value. The latter volumes, indeed, are chiefly composed of fugitive jeux d'esprit upon the Whig party and the government; of letters giving obscure hints respecting the life of Prince Charles on the continent; and of other matters, which, though highly illustrative of the spirit of the jacobites, throw little light on the history of the rebellion. Perhaps the most curious and characteristic part of the work is a series of relics which are found attached to the inside of the boards of certain volumes; in one of which I find a

* We have followed the statement supplied by Mr. Chambers; but in a document to which we ourselves have had access, the bishop says, "We were seven in number, taken on the seventh day of the week, the seventh day of the mouth, and the seventh month of the year, reckoning from March." Two, indeed, were servants.

small slip of thick blue silk cloth, of a texture like sarcenet, beneath which is written, 'The above is a piece of the prince's garter.' Below this is a small square piece of printed linen (the figures being in lilac on a white ground), with the following inscription:The above is a piece of that identical gown which the prince wore four or five days, when he was obliged to disguise himself in a female dress, under the name of Betty Burke. A swatch of the said gown was sent from Mrs. Macdonald of Kingsburgh.' Then follows a slip of tape, with the following note of genuine naïveté :— The above is a piece of that identical apron-string which the prince wore about him when in the female dress. The above bit I received out of Flora M'Donald's own hands on Thursday, November 5, 1747, when I saw the apron, and had it about me. Robert Forbes, A.M.'

This work, which had occupied or amused the simple but ardent mind of the honest jacobite about thirty years, remained nearly an equal period in the possession of his widow, before it became the property of Sir Henry Stewart of Allanton. Some time after the publication of Mr. Home's "History of the Rebellion," which, from the obvious desire of the author to conciliate the favour of the reigning dynasty, we have heard denomi nated "Home's Georgics," Sir Henry, we are told, was induced to turn his attention to the same subject, and actually commenced a work under the title of "An Historical Review of the different Attempts made to restore the Stuart Family to the Throne, from the Revolution in 1688 to the Suppression of the Rebellion in 1745." While employed in the pursuit of materials for this undertaking, he was informed that the relict of the late Bishop Forbes, now fallen into poverty, had a manuscript collection which might prove of use to him in the course of his projected narrative. The learned baronet soon made a bargain with the old lady, and found himself master of "The Lion in Mourning," but having, for sundry reasons, relinquished all thoughts of completing his own literary enterprise, the interesting fragments engrossed in the ten volumes were once more permitted to fall into oblivion. The public is indebted for the selection now printed to Mr. Chambers, so advantageously known for his numerous works on Scottish antiquities, who, while on a visit to Sir Henry, in 1832, prompted him to put forth a specimen of the Jacobite Memoirs.

The editor tells us that he is prepared to find a surprise approaching to incredulity manifested respecting several of the subjects illustrated in this volume. The humanity displayed, and the regular and honourable payments made on all occasions by the Chevalier, in contrast with the license and barbarity now for the first time fully brought home to the royal army, will hardly fail to disturb some of the prepossessions of the English reader. The extraordinary outrages, the common theft-for it can be called no

less-attributed to the Duke of Cumberland, as well as his singularly brutal inhumanity, will rise so far beyond all preconceived notions, even of one who was in his own time thought worthy of being styled "the Butcher," that he can hardly hope to see that part of the work received without controversy. He maintains, however, "that so far as the character of the collector can fortify this point, it must be held above cavil. In many parts of his manuscript, Bishop Forbes appears equally disposed to defend the government party, where they are unjustly accused, and to withdraw unfavourable statements, afterwards discovered to be false, as he was to exhibit their authenticated misdeeds." The modern reader, moreover, must not judge of the military officers under George II. as he would judge of those in the reign of his successors. It was in regard to the former period that Swift, in his letter to the Chevalier Wogan, spake of the British army as a body, "where the least pretension to learning, to piety, or to common morals, would endanger the owner to be cashiered."

We have nowhere seen a more interesting or more accurate detail of the circumstances which attended the commencement of the ill-fated expedition of Charles Edward than is presented in these Memoirs. The reader traces the progress of the prince from his embarkation on the Loire, to the day when he erected the standard of insurrection in the wilds of Glenfinnan; is made acquainted with the number and the designs of his party; the difficulties he had to encounter, and the alacrity with which he met and at length overcame the most formidable obstructions. Accompanied by only eight persons, none of whom, if we except the Marquis of Tullibardine, possessed much influence in Scotland, he undertook to re-establish his father's throne in Great Britain, and thereby in some measure to change the politics of Europe.

On the 23d July, 1745, the Doutelle, which carried the young Adventurer, touched at the island of Erisca, one of the Hebrides, after a voyage of eighteen days from the coast of France. Two or three hours before landing, we are informed, an eagle hovered over the frigate, and continued to do so till they were all safe on shore. Before dinner the Duke of Athol-as Lord Tullibardine was called by his jacobite friends-observed the bird; but he did. not choose to make any remark, lest he should expose himself to the charge of yielding to a Highland prejudice. When he came upon deck after dinner, he saw it still hovering about in the same manner, and closely following the frigate in her course; and then he could not help drawing to it the attention of the prince and his small party, who were much delighted with the appearance of the majestic creature over their heads. "Sir," said Athol, addressing the son of James, "I hope this is an excellent

omen, and promises good things to us. The king of birds is come to welcome your royal highness upon your arrival in Scotland."

But indications of success were not in all other respects equally flattering. Many of the chiefs attached to his cause, having been kept ignorant of his intentions, were quite unprepared for the desperate enterprise to which he now invited them. Some hesitated, and others attempted to dissuade him from an attempt so rash, and so likely to blast the prospects of his family for ever; nor was it until they found his resolution immovable, that the heads of several clans consented to risk their lives and fortunes in the hopeless attempt to overturn the government of a great nation. More than half a century having elapsed since his grandfather had abdicated the throne, the great mass of society had acquiesced in the new order of things, and many interests were already closely connected with the stability of the house of Hanover. The Presbyterian Kirk, more especially, relied for support on the principles of the Revolution; and we are accordingly enabled to account for the fact, why the ministers of the new Establishment were found among the most active partizans of the State, as well in council as in the field. Many of the preachers actually took arms and braved the hazard of battle; but the majority of them, contented with a more peaceful occupation, confined their exertions to the duty conveying intelligence and exhorting to stedfastness. At this time, said Duncan Cameron to Bishop Forbes, "there was a "devil of a minister that happened to be in the island of Barra, "who did us a' the mischief that lay in his power, for when he got any inkling about us, he despatched away expresses with informations against us; but as good luck was-he was not believed, or else we would have been a' tane by the neck." "When Duncan spoke these words, a devil of a minister, he bowed "low, and said to me, Sir, I ask you ten thousand pardons for 66 saying so in your presence; but, good faith, I can assure you, sir, (asking your pardon,) he was nothing else but the devil of a "minister. "

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Nor were the many advantages on the side of Charles's enemies at all compensated by his own military talent or experience. Like the ancestors from whom he sprang, he was unquestionably brave and resolute; but his abilities were not of a high order: they were not such as would have conducted him to distinction at the head of an army, even though his troops had enjoyed all the benefits of regular discipline, and his officers had attained the skill of consummate tacticians. He had no system in his movements, no plan in his campaigns. Yielding to circumstances which he ought to have anticipated or contemned, his measures

varied from day to day; and even in the field of battle he was more ready to listen to advice, than to persevere in the method of attack of which he himself had approved. His principal successes accordingly were achieved in direct disobedience of his orders; or, at least, in consequence of disregarding injunctions which could not possibly be executed in the presence of a hostile force. The victory gained on Falkirk muir, for example, was owing to the firmness which Lord George Murray displayed when approaching the royal encampment; and the insignificant results which followed might be justly attributed to the absence of arrangement, and to the total want of confidence in the head which should have directed the whole.

The spirit of rivalry too, and the contemptible jealousy which burned in the breasts of the chieftains, proved a serious obstacle to the progress of discipline, and of that subordination to the dictates of one presiding mind, without which courage is useless, and zeal is only productive of mischief. Regarding themselves as independent sovereigns in their glens and islets, they permitted the rights of precedence between the leader of one sept and the patriarch of another to disturb the counsels of their prince; and rather than allow a fresh regiment to assume the post of honour, if already occupied by the troops of a more illustrious clan, they would have consented to see the former cut in pieces, or scattered before the enemy. If the Macdonalds stood in the extreme of the line, though outflanked and menaced by a superior force, the Mackenzies, or the Camerons, or the Athol men dared not presume to draw up beyond them, even were the issue of the contest to depend upon this simple movement. Some punctilio similar to this appears to have been felt as a reason why the right wing at the battle of Falkirk was not strengthened, when actually turned by a strong detachment of dragoons and militia.

There was a peculiarity too in the constitution of Charles's army, which, in the eyes of the discerning, could not fail to destroy all hope of an ultimate triumph. The men, acting in some degree as volunteers, and depending very often upon their own resources, did not hold themselves bound to extend their services beyond the limits of their own convenience, or even to adhere to their standard in all parts of the kingdom. Many might be inclined to fight within the Grampian grange, who could perceive no obligation to defend lands at a greater distance from their own hearths; while others, who might consider their attachment due as far as the banks of the Tweed, would have refused to accompany their chief into the nearest counties of South Britain. But the main defect in the Highland host was that total disregard of the ordinary rules of war, which led them on all occa