ure.

But if the Senator now puts his opposi tion upon the ground that it is opposed to the wishes of the Senator from Massachusetts, I hear it from him for the first time.

Mr. SUMNER. Certainly I have expressed No wish on the subject.

Mr. HOWE. I did not understand the Senator from Massachusetts to express any wish about it, and I was going to call for the authority of the Senator from Illinois for saying that it was opposed to his wishes.

Mr. TRUMBULL. I have not said that the Senator from Massachusetts expressed any wish about it; but the Senator from Wisconsin will not impose upon the country, he certainly will not impose upon the Senate, by bringing up the Committee on Agriculture here and other such committees that have been formed in this body, where it is known that there is little or no service to be performed, committees which have been made merely to put Senators in the position of chairmen, that they may have committee-rooms and conveniences. Is there any analogy or comparison between the committees to which the Senator refers and the leading committee of the Senate? Why, sir, it is understood that these unimportant committees are taken charge of by anybody. Any member of the Senate is willing to take one of these positions for the convenience of a committee-room, perhaps having a clerk connected with it. It is very convenient for Senators to have a place where they can do business in connection with their official duties; and so far as we have rooms we have organized committees, so that the chairman of a committee may have charge of a committee-room. But the Senator will mislead nobody by refer ring to that class of committees as authority for what is about to be done in this case or what is proposed to be done.

Now, having stated that this is contrary to the uniform usages of the Senate, as I have always understood them from my experience in the Senate, I proceed

I see that the Senator from Wisconsin rises. Mr. HOWE. If I do not embarrass the Senator from Illinois

Mr. TRUMBULL. Not at all.

Mr. HOWE. I do not wish to be embarrassing. I rise for two purposes: first, to say that I cannot be understood as assenting to the correctness of the Senator's remark that we make committees here in proportion to the number of rooms we have. I cannot be understood as assenting to the correctness of his statement, that the Committee on Agriculture and the Committee on Manufactures are created only for the purpose of furnishing a gentleman with a clerk or with a room. But if the Senator insists that those are unimportant committees, I wish to ask him if he does not remember when the chairman of the Committee on Naval Affairs was changed, was deposed in the very sense in which he uses the term; deposed by a Republican Senate, and another Republican put in his place, and against the vehement protest of the removed Senator?

Mr. TRUMBULL. I recollect well the case to which the Senator refers; and if I could state the reasons, it would not be pleasant to go into the details in reference to that transaction, and I shall forbear to do so. There was something more involved in it, let me tell the Senator, than simply making the change.

Now, sir, having stated this much as to the usage of the Senate so long as I have been acquainted with its proceedings, I come to the next proposition. It being proposed to violate the established usages of the Senate, I come to inquire, why? The answer could not be better given than the exhibition in this very room for the last four hours. We have had a fourhours discussion about what? A discussion as to whether a member of this body spoke to the head of one of the Executive Departments at some social gathering! Why, sir, has the Senate of the United States come to this, that an inquiry is to be instituted as to the personal

relations between the members of its body and any man under Heaven, to inquire whether he is fit for a chairmanship of one of your committees ?

What has this discussion disclosed? Let it go out to the American people that the Senate of the United States has occupied a whole day in inquiring upon the doubtful question as to whether one of its members answered an inquiry on some social occasion, not in discharge of official duty; for it is distinctly avowed that there is no pretense that there has been any discourtesy, so far as official intercourse is concerned, between the chairman of the Com. mittee on Foreign Relations and either the President of the United States or the head of any of its Executive Departments. Whatever there is of it is a personal matter; and we are to investigate that! Why, sir, I have no patience to talk about it, to spend a moment's time in regard to it, and the very fact that you have witnessed this discussion here to-day shows the impropriety of acting upon any such suggestion.

The Senator from Wisconsin, who inaugurates this measure and advocates and presses it, distinctly disavows that it has anything to do with San Domingo

Mr. HOWE. I must ask my friend from Illinois on what authority he says that I inaugurate this measure?

Mr. TRUMBULL. Because the Senator moved it here, and has been its leading advo

cate.

Mr. HOWE. Does the Senator mean to be understood as saying that the moving of this list of committees was the inauguration of this change in the committees?

Mr. TRUMBULL. I am to be drawn into no question that goes back into caucuses or elsewhere. Does the Senator from Wisconsin shrink from the responsibility he has taken? Does he deny that he has advocated it and been its leading advocate here? Does he deny that he has championed it? If he does, let him say so and I will excuse him.

Mr. HOWE. Mr. President, I am not conscious of shrinking from any responsibility that justly devolves on me. I do not deny that I moved the resolution on your table; I do not deny that I have advocated it. If the Senator is pleased to call me the leading advocate or the champion, those are mere terms on which we can make no issue. The issue that I make with the Senator from Illinois is upon his statement that I inaugurated the measure.

Mr. TRUMBULL, Well, sir, I am happy to find, and I congratulate the Senator from Wisconsin, and I hope I may congratulate those who are acting with him, that he is unwilling to accept the inauguration of it. I wish whoever has assisted him would take the same view, and we could be relieved from this whole difficulty. It seems that the Senator from Wisconsin does not wish to be understood as having inaugurated it. I wish all could feel as he does, and we could be relieved of this unpleasantness.

Now, sir, that all that is in it is this personal matter I believe stands confessed. Whatever admiration his fellows may have for the distinguished Senator from Pennsylvania, it has not been pretended that by previous study, by assiduity, by knowledge of international law, by his great experience, by his familiarity with the different languages of the earth, he is in any way the superior of the Senator from Mas sachusetts, whom it is proposed to displace. In all these respects, in fidelity to his country, in fidelity to party, in fidelity to liberty, it is not pretended that the Senator from Pennsylvania surpasses the Senator from Massachu

setts.

When I say this I am not the special friend of the Senator from Massachusetts. He and I, during our long course of service here, have had occasions to differ, and differ, I-am sorry to say, unpleasantly. But, sir, that will not prevent me from trying to do justice to the

Senator from Massachusetts. I stood by him when he was stricken down in his seat by a hostile party, by the powers of slavery. I stand by him to-day when the blow comes, not from those who would perpetuate slavery and make a slave of every man that was for freedom, but comes from those who have been brought into power as much through the instrumentality of the Senator from Massachusetts as of any other individual in the country. [Symptoms of applause in the galleries.]

The PRESIDING OFFICER. order!

Order!

Mr. TRUMBULL. But, sir, this question has been brought before us, and now what shall we do? I tried to avoid it. I have appealed to my associates, and I have said to them, "We are very much divided." I say to them now, "We are very much divided; a few votes one way or the other constitutes the majority in the Republican party; now, is it desirable, is it best, to force such a change with such an opposition as has manifested itself here?" What is to be gained by it? I will not undertake to warn the Republican party of the consequences. The Senator from Massachusetts who has spoken upon this subject [Mr. WILSON] has spoken of its effect, and I would that Senators would pause. I would that this debate to-day had not occurred, that we could have paused at the outset when we saw this difference of opinion, and that there could have been some concession, even to those in the minority, which would have avoided this state of things. But, sir, the majority thought otherwise. Majorities when they have power are apt to use it, I know, and there is a dispo sition to use it upon this occasion.

An effort has been made to postpone this matter, and I frankly say to the Senator from Wisconsin who opposes that motion, and I say to the Senator from Massachusetts who proposes it, that I see no good to arise out of a postponement. It seems to me the majority are determined to carry out this measure which somebody, if not the Senator from Wisconsin, has inaugurated. Now, what is it best to do? In my judgment, we had better bring this mat ter to a close; let us pursue it no further; and I would make an appeal to my honorable friend from Massachusetts who made the motion to postpone. When it is determined to carry this thing through, I appeal to him to let us put an end to it, and allow the vote to be taken. I hope he will withdraw his motion to postpone it until to-morrow, and let the list of committees be adopted, and let us stop where we are.

Mr. SHERMAN. Mr. President, I ask the Senator from Massachusetts whether he responds to the appeal made by the Senator from Illinois?

Mr. TRUMBULL. I hope the Senator will withdraw the motion.

Mr. WILSON. Well, I withdraw the mo tion; but I want a square vote.

Mr. SHERMAN. That amounts to the same thing. Mr. President, no one has listened to this discussion with more pain than I have, because I believe that it ought not to have been indulged in here by any who participated in it elsewhere. It has been the custom since I have been a member of the Senate, now more than ten years, for each party to arrange the members of that party on the different committees constituting the Senate of the United States. Before I became a member of the Senate it was the common courtesy of the Democratic Senators, then a majority of this body, to allow the minority to fill the places assigned to them on the committees. The division of members of a political party among the various committees was regarded as in the nature of a personal matter, appertaining solely to that party, and not to be controlled or affected by the wishes or desires of the oppos. ing party. The assignment of the Republican members of this body among the different committees properly and justly should be confined to the Republican members. That has

always been the custom, and therefore time out of mind, at the beginning of every new Congress, a meeting of our political friends has been held and these assignments have been made.

Sometimes questions have arisen of delicacy which have given rise to debate and which have been settled; but this has been the first time in my political experience when a purely personal question, the decision of which by custom and reason is confined to the dominant majority, is brought to the Senate of the United States and our political adversaries are called upon to decide the controversy. That is a view of it which I wish to present to Senators.

Not only that. So careful is the Senate in this distribution of its personal members on committees that at this very session I, together with others composing a committee of the majority, appealed to the Democratic Senators to assign their own members among the different committees, giving to them their full proportion according to their numbers in this body, and they returned to us the assignment, made among themselves, I suppose by some conference, and we never took the liberty in the slightest degree of changing any man on that list, but placed him where his friends had assigned him.

Mr. President, it has come out here in discussion-it is a matter that I would not deem it proper to introduce here-that the political majority of this body made the assignment of the members of the majority, after full debate and full consideration. I will here say, after what has been already disclosed, that in that conference the debate was not personal, but full, kind, courteous, searching, and able, and the whole question was presented on both sides. Now say to my political friends here that they have no right, according to my opinion of those rules which govern political bodies and political parties, to bring that controversy, purely of a personal character, into this body and call upon our Democratic adversaries to decide it. I am glad that they have remained quiet and to this hour have not opened their voice on the subject or taken any part in this debate. It is a debate that should have been in family council and not here in the Senate Chamber.

I admit that on a grave question of political interest, involving the rights of States and communities, involving great principles, no man is bound by what is called a party caucus, no man is bound to sacrifice his principles or yield his conviction or surrender the interests of his State to a party dictation; but every man is bound to surrender his own personal feelings, his own personal position, his own personal rank to the decision of a majority of his political friends. And, sir, whenever that decision is made known, every one, however high may be his position, however great his services, is bound by the common courtesies which prevail in these political bodies to yield at once. I feel sure that if a majority of my political friends should say that I ought not to serve as chairman of the Committee on Finance, they would have only to make that voice heard in the gentlest terms in order to give me an opportunity to make way for my successor.

I feel it my duty to make this explanation of the vote I shall give. I think I am bound by the decision made after full debate upon this mere personal point, involving only the question whether the honorable Senator from Massachusetts shall occupy the position of chairman of the Committee on Foreign Relations or whether he shall occupy the position of chairman of the Committee on Privileges and Elections. But, sir, as we have been drawn into this debate, in justice to myselfand I call other Senators to witness the truth of it-I do here repeat, what I have said in other places, that I regard this change as unjustifiable, as impolitic, as unnecessary, and that no reason has been given which ought to weigh, in my judgment, to induce the change. I

gentlemen of the majority shall tell us whether they consider themselves bound by the caucus decision. If they shall tell us that they do not consider themselves so bound, then we shall have to vote on our own individual respons.

I feel it necessary for my own personal consistency to say that while I shall vote to confirm the report which displaces the Senator from Massachusetts from the Committee on Foreign Relations, yet, after a full consideration, and hearing all the arguments that have|ibility. been made, pro and con, there is no reason which, in my judgment, should have induced the majority to make this change.

Perhaps, sir, the older members of the Senate who have been here during heat and cold, during war and peace, although they may have differed with each other, although the tenor of their minds may separate them on great and small political questions, are bound together by a growing attachment on account of this long period of service, and they are bound together by sympathies, although they may differ often. It is so somewhat with the Senator from Massachusetts and myself. I have differed with him many times, and sometimes with heat; the tenor of our minds has sometimes separated us; but during ten long years, especially during the period of the war, his services were faithfully rendered and were invaluable to this country, and I will not surrender him or vote to surrender him unless compelled to do so by a decision from which I cannot appeal. I will not vote to surrender him because he may differ with the Secretary of State or with the President of the United States. Indeed, I believe we ought to cultivate in this body an absolute independence of executive domination, dictation, or authority. I do not say that any has been exercised in this case. I know that the President has exercised none with the committee who reported this list. I do not believe he has ever said a word improp erly to any one to influence this decision. But, sir, I would cultivate in the mind of every Senator the idea that his place is not dependent upon the executive will, that he does not hold a Cabinet position from which he may be turned out at any moment, but he holds a place dependent only upon the judgment and selection of a State, dependent only upon the provisions of the Constitution of the United States.

Therefore, sir, while I feel bound to utter my opinion that this is an unwise proceeding, made without sufficient cause, yet in my judgment it ought not to be debated here. It is settled; and if my honorable friend from Massachusetts, the senior Senator in this body, wishes to add another good work in his services to his country and in his services to the Republican party, he cannot do better than rise in his place and say that if for any reason, whether sufficient or insufficient, a majority of his political associates think it is better for him to retire from this position, he yields gracefully to their wish; and I tell him that a new chaplet will crown his brow, and when his memoirs are written this will be regarded as one of the proudest opportunities of his life.

Mr. WILSON. Mr. President, on the appeal of the Senator from Illinois I withdrew the motion I made to postpone this matter until to-morrow. I have reflected a few moments upon it, and I have come to the conclusion that it is my duty to renew that motion and to have a vote of the Senate upon it. I want to give our friends an opportunity to sleep on this until to-morrow, and then come here and vote, and vote their deliberate judgment. I renew the motion to postpone.

Mr. THURMAN. Mr. President, my colleague remarked that the majority of the Senate had not changed the name of a Democrat furnished by the Democrats for places on the committees. That is very true. That remark seems to imply that the minority should not interfere with the choice made by the majority. I grant there is force in that; but I beg leave to remind him that the minority here have made no motion, have said not one word; and the question whether we shall interfere either by speech or by vote cannot arise until the

Mr. MORTON. Mr. President, no one regrets more than myself the debate which has occurred here this afternoon, or the scene we have witnessed. No one regrets more than myself the unhappy differences which have led to this debate. But, sir, the question is not that which has to some extent been discussed here, so far as Republicans are concerned. As Republicans and as men owing allegiance to a party organization for the sake of its principles, the question with us is not now as to the propriety of the change that has been made in the chairmanship of the Committee on Foreign Relations, but whether we intend to stand by the organization and the usages of the Republican party. Whether that change was wisely made in the convention of the Republican Senators that has been alluded to I will not now consider. According to the usages of the party that is past; and as I hold the Republican party superior in importance to any man who is a member of it, I intend to stand honestly and in good faith by its organ. ization.

Sir, this is a Government of parties. Every free Government is a Government of parties. Parties cannot exist without organization. Organization cannot exist except by convention and by concert of action. Usually the principles of a party are determined by its platform. But however that may be, the nominations for office of a party are determined by conventions, and unless that is done a party cannot exist as an organization. It is done by the Republican party; it is done by the Democratic party. As the convention of Republican Senators has been alluded to, I may speak of it. We met, according to the usages of the party, as I am informed according to the usages of the Senate ever since there has been a Republican party, both before it came into the majority aud after it was in the majority, and in accordance with this time-honored usage we held our convention.

I am informed that our Democratic friends held theirs, and agreed upon the names that should be put upon the respective committees; that they handed in the list to the chairman of the committee in the Republican convention, and that the names were put on the committees in accordance with their determination. Such has been the action on both sides, and such has been the usage of our party from the time of its first existence. That usage has its foundation in the existence of parties, and in the conviction of men that parties cannot be maintained without organization, without concert, and without conventions for these purposes.

Now, sir, these conventions will fail in their purpose unless they are carried out in good faith. Good faith lies at the very foundation of every nomination that may be made; for where is the use of making nominations for committees, or for President of the United States, or for a member of Congress, unless upon the basis of good faith? Good faith is implied of all parties that enter into such a convention. Whenever I go into a convention of Republican Senators, or into a State convention in my State, or into a national convention, I silently give my pledge that I will honorably abide by the decision of that convention, though it may be against my personal wishes and choice; it may even be against my convictions of right; but, so far as all personal considerations are concerned, I give my solemn pledge that I will abide by its action. If I do not, I have no place in it; and if before the action is finally determined I conceive in my own mind that I cannot abide by its action, it is my duty to walk out of it, announce that I separate myself from it, and

that I will not be bound by its decision. I may appeal to every Senator, to every person present, be he Democrat or Republican, for the soundness of this position, that if I remain there in silence, make no dissent, and take part in the proceedings until it is closed, I am honorably bound to abide by its decision. Theu, sir, I say this is a question for Republicans to consider entirely aside from the propriety of the action which was had yesterday. Do we intend to stand by the usages of our party or do we intend to depart from them?

Sir, a violation of the usages of the party in this respect would have consequences of a political character far transcending what may be the effect of putting this man or that man at the head of any committee; for if the convention is not abided by in one instance it will not be in another; and if a solemn convention is violated in an important particular, in a notorious and conspicuous manner like this, then others will not go into it the next time. They will say, "That is the last time that I will go into a convention the terms of which are to be violated;" especially, as a Senator reminds me, as this is merely a personal matter. In a political point of view, although the finding of that convention may be an error in regard to any personal matter, it is far better for us to stand by it than to take the consequences to result from violating the convention and thus breaking up the organization of the party.

This, then, Republican Senators, is the question that confronts you to-night. What is the object of postponing action upon this resolution? It is to beat it; it is to vote it down; it is to violate the conclusion and the agreement that we came to in that senatorial convention. If the motion to postpone has any other pur pose than that, I should like to know what it I have heard of no other purpose being assigned for the postponement except to defeat the action of this senatorial convention. But enough on that point. That is the question that stands before us as Republican Senators.

is.

So far as our Democratic friends are concerned, they are doubtless enjoying what has taken place this afternoon. As party men they would like to see us disrupt our organization. That is quite natural, and we cannot blame them for indulging in a hope of that sort, because they would naturally and inevitably reap the benefits of that disruption.

I have said enough to indicate what I believe to be the duty of every Republican Senator, and especially of every one who went into that convention and remained there until the end.

But I desire to say one word in vindication of that convention and in vindication of the majority of it. It has been said here to-day that there was something beyond the reasons assigned by the Senator from Wisconsin for this action; that San Domingo lay at the bottom of it. Allow me to enter my protest here against that statement. So far as I know, it is not true. I denounce it as not being true. So far as I know, it did not influence the action of any Senator in that convention. It is true the unhappy differences that have arisen may have had their origin some time since in the San Domingo question; that may have been the occasion; but to say that the action which was taken yesterday was because of that question and to gain some advantage in the future consideration of, or action upon, that question I denounce as being a mistake, so far as I know. I do not know of a Senator who acted upon that consideration.

I heard them protest that they did not, and, believing that they are as honorable as any other Senators, I believe that they stated what was true. The considerations that led to this action I will not enter upon. As I said before, we, as Republicans, have passed that point. The question for us is simply, do we intend to stand by the usages of our party, to abide by a senatorial convention fairly, honorably, peacefully, and kindly held? If we do not, that is the end of senatorial conventions, and

the consequences of the violation of the usage we can all understand.

Mr. CRAGIN. Mr. President, only once since I have been a member of this body have I felt greater pain or mortification than I have experienced to day. Six years ago, when Andrew Johnson was inaugurated Vice Presi. dent of the United States, my pain and morti. fication were supreme. I regret exceedingly this discussion. I regret more that the subject of this discussion is here before us to day. It is here against my judgment; but it is here by the consent of a majority of my political associates; and in this case, as in other cases, I yield my judgment to the decision and the wisdom of that majority. I do not change my opinion of the policy of altering the chairman. ship of the Committee on Foreign Relations. I still believe that it is impolitic and dangerous.| I still believe that many who are in favor of it to-day will live to regret it; but, notwithstanding that, as I said before, I yield my judgment to the will of the majority of my political associates.

Mr. WILSON. As I have renewed this motion to postpone, I desire to say a word or two in support of it. I have a word to say in reply to the Senator from Indiana, and that word is this: I feel it to be my duty as a man, as a personal friend of my colleague, as a member of the Republican party, and more than all as a friend of my country, to ask the Senate to postpone this question until to-morrow; to sleep upon it, to consider it carefully, and, if possible, pause before we consummate it.

I am something of a party man; and it is because I believe in the sublime creed of the Republican party, and the necessity of the triumph of its ideas in the country perma nently, that I wish to arrest the consummation of an act that I believe is the hardest blow ever struck at the present Administration or the Republican party of the country. I do not fear to say this in public. I do not agree with the Senator from Ohio on these points. The first thing to do in this world is to be right, is to plant ourselves on a position on which we can stand in sunshine and in storm.

Now, sir, a word about party obligations. I went into the Whig national convention of 1848 and saw the cause of liberty smitten down, and I turned my back upon it and went out of it. I went into a national convention in 1855 and fought there three days for the cause of liberty, and when that was trampled down I helped to rend the organization that did it, and saw it go down to rise no more forever.

Sir, I am a believer in our faith and creed. I believe that the permanent interests of the country require our success. If I did not I would not care much about it. I am a party man, bound by the ordinary obligations; but there is something higher and above the mere dictates of a party caucus, and that by a small majority a minority of the Republican members of the Senate.

Now, sir, I wish this matter to go over until to-morrow. I wish our friends to consider it; and then, if they on reflection think it is best to finish this work, let them do it. There is no harm in all that. There is no harm in coming here and discussing these questions. Let me say to the Senator from Indiana that this political organization of ours was born in thunder-storms and lightning, in the uprising of the people, in the bold and brave discussion of fundamental questions, and it is not going to perish on that account. I will tell you, sir, where the danger is. It is in submitting, without a word, without remonstrance, to the little petty dictates and interests very often of petty men. For one, I do not choose to submit always to those things. I have thoughts of my own, and I choose to give them utterance and to stand by them.

Let me say to my political friends here to night-and in saying it I believe I express the

sentiments of nine tenths of the men who voted for President Grant in 1868-that what has been resolved upon by a small majority of a caucus, by a minority of the Republican members of the Senate, is not right in itself, is not expedient, is a political blunder, wrong in itself, and had better be abandoned instead of being consummated. I appeal to Senators to aban don it, let it alone, and let us go on our course here. I have no anxieties about these little petty differences between some of our men and other officers. They have always existed in our country. From the foundation of the Govern. ment among men high in political position there have been differences. There have always been differences among the leading men of all parties. We shall have them in the Republican party. I believe, on my conscience and my judgment, the Republican party, in its ideas and principles and policy, to be the nearest right of any political organization that ever trod this planet; but it has in its ranks men fallible like other men, sometimes wise and sometimes unwise; and I do not choose, because our friends have committed a blunder in a caucus, to close my mouth and do what I think is wrong aud commit a blunder, without making a reasonable protest against it. Therefore, I have renewed this motion. I want this matter to go over until to-morrow, and then, after we have slept upon it, reflected upon it, thought it all over, let the vote be taken, and we will abide the result.

The PRESIDING OFFICER. The question is on the motion of the Senator from Massachusetts, to postpone the further consideration of this resolution until to-morrow.

Mr. MORTON and Mr. EDMUNDS called for the yeas and nays, and they were ordered; and being taken, resulted-yeas 16, nays 32; as follows:

YEAS-Messrs. Bayard, Blair, Buckingham, Casserly, Cooper, Davis of Kentucky, Davis of West Virginia, Kelly, Schurz, Sprague, Stevenson, Stockton, Thurman, Tipton, Vickers, and Wilson-16.

NAYS-Messrs. Boreman, Brownlow, Caldwell, Chandler, Cole, Conkling, Corbett, Cragin, Edmunds, Fenton, Ferry of Michigan, Flanagan, Frelinghuysen, Hamlin, Harian, Hitchcock, Howe, Lewis, Morrill of Vermont, Morton, Nye, Osborn, Pomeroy, Pool, Ramsey, Sawyer, Scott, Sherman, Stewart, West, and Wright-32.

ABSENT-Messrs. Anthony, Cameron, Carpenter, Ferry of Connecticut, Gilbert, Hamilton, Hill, Kellogg, Logan, Morrill of Maine, Patterson, Pratt, Rice, Robertson, Saulsbury, Spencer, Sumner, Trumbull, and Windom-19.

So the motion was not agreed to.

The PRESIDING OFFICER. The ques tion now is on the adoption of the resolution. Mr. EDMUNDS. I ask for the yeas and nays on that question.

Mr. CONKLING. That is right; let us have the yeas and nays.

The yeas and nays were ordered.

Mr. DAVIS, of Kentucky. I feel bound to say a word upon this occasion. I agree with Senators, at least it is my belief, that the influence which has produced the deposition of the honorable Senator from Massachusetts from the chairmanship of the Committee on Foreign Relations has not originated in San Domingo, nor in the purpose of the Senate to bring San Domingo into the United States as a part of our territory; but I believe that the force, the power that has brought the Senate to this foregone conclusion originates in the White House, and there alone. I believe that if the voice from the White House had spoken in favor of the retention of the honorable Senator from Massachusetts in that position, there would not have been the voice of a single Senator raised to expel him from it; and I believe that the proposed action of the Senate is a simple reflection by the Senate of the will that issues and emanates from the White House in relation to this matter.

No man has differed more frequently or more essentially from the course of the honorable Senator from Massachusetts since I have been in the Senate than I myself have; but recently, in relation to the question of the annexation

of San Domingo to the United States, I believe his position is eminently just, proper, and pa. triotic. I believe that that is the greatest of all pending political questions, and I am as much in opposition to that annexation as the honorable Senator from Massachusetts is. His services to his country in the exposition of that outrageous measure and in its denunciation have forced from me my admiration and gratitude to him. It is because he occupies the position that my reason and my heart approve in relation to that measure that I feel sympathy for him now, and especially in relation to his position as chairman of the Com. mittee on Foreign Relations. I believe he could render more service to the country in that position in the defeat of that measure than any man in the United States could render. Therefore I shall vote against all propositions, direct and indirect, to depose him from that high and responsible, and, as I deem to the country, most useful position. I shall, therefore, vote against this resolution.

Mr. BAYARD. Is the resolution open to amendment?

The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Chair thinks it is open to amendment.

Mr. BAYARD. I do not desire to prolong this debate. I have been a very attentive listener to this discussion. While I shall not affect to class the pain it has given me with that which very many gentlemen of the dominant majority in this Chamber have suffered, at the same time I believe I have been made painfully aware of what is the real matter in dispute; and being desirous of becoming some. what a participator in this most painful controversy, I offer the following amendment for the consideration of the Senate:

That the title of the committee heretofore known as the Committee on Foreign Relations be changed to the Committee on Personal Relations. [Laughter.]

The PRESIDING OFFICER. The question is on the amendment offered by the Senator from Delaware.

66

Mr. EDMUNDS. I suggest, as an amendment to that amendment, and that the chairman of said committee be Mr. BAYARD, of Delaware;' so as to take the question altogether. [Laughter.]

Mr. THURMAN. What is the proposition? I did not hear the Senator's amendment.

Mr. EDMUNDS. The amendment I suggest to the amendment, and I believe it is in order, is to add, "and that the chairman of said committee be Mr. BAYARD, of Delaware.'

Mr. THURMAN. That is the most sensible motion I ever heard the Senator make. [Laughter.]

The PRESIDING OFFICER. Does the Senator from Vermont move that as an amendment to the amendment?

Mr. EDMUNDS. No, sir; I suggest it for the consideration of my Democratic friends.

The PRESIDING OFFICER. The question is on the amendment of the Senator from Delaware.

Mr. BAYARD. I withdraw the amendment. The PRESIDING OFFICER. Then the question recurs on the adoption of the resolution.

Mr. THURMAN. One word; I do not wish to make a speech. I wish simply to explain my vote. As I said before, I acknowledge fully the right of the majority to select the members of their committees. There may be occasions, however, when that right ought not to be entirely acquiesced in. The Senator from Massachusetts [Mr. WILSON] has stated to the Senate that this programme of the committees has not received the sanction of the majority of the Republican members of the Senate, and that statement is not denied. That might absolve us. But believing with the Senator from Kentucky that here is a change at the dictation of the Executive, I feel bound to vote against this resolution, although other. wise it is entirely satisfactory to me.

Mr. EDMUNDS. I wish to say a word in reply to my friend from Ohio. He seems to base his action upon the statement of the Senator from Massachusetts, that this action of the Republicans was not by a majority of the Republican members of the Senate, which statement he says has not been denied. The answer to that is that the Senator from Massachusetts, in making such a statement, has undertaken, contrary to that confidential fidelity that belongs to private intercourse between Senators, to state what he supposes to be a fact. I do not feel at liberty, for one, to contradict it or admit it, for the reason that in doing either I should be guilty, with my judgment of such things, of stating what it was not honorable for me to state.

Mr. DAVIS, of Kentucky. I understand the position of the honorable Senator from Vermont then to be simply this: that there is honor among thieves. [Laughter.] Mr. EDMUNDS. I will leave that to my friend from Kentucky.

The question being taken by yeas and nays, resulted-yeas 33, nays 9; as follows:

YEAS-Messrs, Ames, Anthony, Boreman. Brownlow, Caldwell, Chandler, Cole, Conkling. Corbett, Edmunds, Fenton, Ferry of Michigan, Flanagan, Frelinghuysen, Hamlin, Harlan, Hitchcock, Howe, Lewis, Morrill of Vermont, Morton, Nye, Osborn, Pomeroy, Pool, Ramsey, Robertson, Sawyer, Scott, Sherman, Stewart, West, and Wright-33.

NAYS-Messrs. Blair, Casserly, Cooper, Davis of Kentucky, Davis of West Virginia, Kelly, Stevenson, Thurman, and Vickers-9.

ABSENT-Messrs. Bayard, Buckingham, Cameron, Carpenter, Cragin, Ferry of Connecticut, Gilbert, Hamilton, Hill, Kellogg, Logan, Morrill of Maine, Patterson, Pratt, Rice, Saulsbury, Schurz, Spencer, Sprague, Stockton, Sumner, Tipton, Trumbull, Wilson, and Windom-25.

So the resolution was adopted; and the list of committees proposed by Mr. Howe was agreed to.

ADJOURNMENT TO MONDAY.

Mr. EDMUNDS. I move that when the Senate adjourns (though I believe an executive session is desired first) it be to meet on Monday next..

The motion was agreed to.

EXECUTIVE SESSION.

Several executive messages were received from the President of the United States, by Mr. HORACE PORTER, his Secretary.

Mr. MORTON. I move that the Senate proceed to the consideration of executive business.

The motion was agreed to; and the Senate proceeded to the consideration of executive business. After thirteen minutes spent in executive session, the doors were reopened, and (at six o'clock and twenty minutes p. m.) the Senate adjourned.

HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.

FRIDAY, March 10, 1871.

The House met at twelve o'clock m. Prayer by the Chaplain, Rev. J. G. BUTLER, D. D. The Journal of yesterday was read and approved.

MEMBER SWORN IN.

Mr. DUELL. I rise to a privileged question. My colleague, Hon. Milo Goodrich, Representative from the twenty-sixth district of New York, was not in attendance at the organization of the House on Saturday; he is now here, and I move that he be sworn in.

The SPEAKER. If there be no objection Mr. Goodrich will be sworn in.

There was no objection.

Accordingly, Mr. GOODRICH appeared and duly qualified by taking the oath of office prescribed by the act of July 2, 1862.

PUBLIC BUILDINGS AND GROUNDS.

Mr. DAWES, by unanimous consent, submitted the following resolution; which was read, considered, and agreed to:

Resolved, That Rule 74 be so amended as to make the Committee on Public Buildings and Grounds consist of nine members; and that Rule 96 be so

amended as to include within the jurisdiction of that committee all the public buildings constructed by the United States.

HOMESTEADS FOR SOLDIERS AND SAILORS.

Mr. STOUGHTON, by unanimous consent, introduced a bill (H. R. No. 10) to enable honorably discharged soldiers and sailors, their widows and orphan children, to acquire homesteads on the public lands of the United States; which was read a first and second time, referred to the Committee on Military Affairs when appointed, and ordered to be printed.

ANIMALS FOR BREEDING PURPOSES. Mr. CONGER, by unanimous consent, introduced a joint resolution (H. R. No. 3) construing the act of July 14, 1870, entitled "An act to reduce internal taxes, and for other purposes," so as to provide for the admission of animals specially imported for breeding purposes free of duty from the Dominion of Canada; which was read a first and second time.

Mr. CONGER. I desire to have the joint resolution put upon its passage.

The joint resolution was read. It provides that the paragraph of section twenty-one of an act entitled "An act to reduce internal taxes, and for other purposes," approved July 14, 1870, relating to the admission of animals specially imported for breeding purposes free of duty from beyond seas shall not be construed to prevent the importation of such animals free of duty from the Dominion of Canada.

The joint resolution was ordered to be engrossed and read a third time; and being engrossed, it was accordingly read the third time, and passed.

Mr. CONGER moved to reconsider the vote

by which the joint resolution was passed; and also moved that the motion to reconsider be laid on the table.

The latter motion was agreed to.

FRANKING PRIVILEGE.

Mr. HILL, by unanimous consent, introduced a bill (H. R. No. 11) to abolish the franking privilege; which was read a first and second time, and referred to the Committee on the Post Office and Post Roads when appointed.

REPEAL OF INCOME TAX.

Mr. HILL also, by unanimous consent, introduced a bill (H. R. No. 12) to repeal the income tax; which was read a first and second time, and referred to the Committee of Ways and Means when appointed.

LAND SUBSIDIES.

Mr. BECK. I rise to a privileged question, but yield to the gentleman from Pennsylvania [Mr. RANDALL] to present a resolution from the Legislature of his State.

Mr. RANDALL. I ask unanimous consent to present a joint resolution from the Legislature of the State of Pennsylvania, relative to the granting of land subsidies by the General Government. I also ask that it be read, and that it be printed in the Globe.

There was no objection, and it was so ordered. The joint resolution was read, as follows: Whereas the public domain, which is the natural inheritance of the people, is fast diminishing by the continual granting of land subsidies to railroad and other corporations; and whereas the continuance of such a policy is calculated to impair the interests and welfare of the poorer classes of the country: Therefore,

Be it resolved by the Senate and House of Representatives of the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania in General Assembly met, That our Senators in Congress be instructed and our Representatives be requested to oppose the further passage of laws granting subsidies of public lands to railroad companies or corporations under any pretext whṛtever.

And be it further resolved, That the Governor be requested to forward a copy of the foregoing resolution to each Senator and Representative of this Commonwealth in the Congress of the United States, with a request to present the same to their respective bodies.

JAMES H. WEBB,

Speaker of the House of Representatives. WILLIAM A. WALLACE, Speaker of the Senate. Approved, the 1st day of March, A. D. 1871. JNO. W. GEARY.

OATH OF OFFICE.

Mr. MOREY, by unanimous consent, introduced a bill (H. R. No. 13) to prescribe an oath of office, and for other purposes; which was read a first and second time, referred to the Committee on the Judiciary when appointed, and ordered to be printed.

DISTRICT COURTS IN LOUISIANA.

Mr. MOREY also, by unanimous consent, introduced a bill (H. R. No. 14) for the better organization of the district courts of the United States within the State of Louisiana; which was read a first and second time, referred to the Committee on the Judiciary when appointed, and ordered to be printed.

REMOVAL OF DISABILITIES.

Mr. MOREY also, by unanimous consent, introduced a bill (H. R. No. 15) for the removal of political disabilities; which was read a first and second time, referred to the Committee on the Judiciary when appointed, and ordered to be printed.

MONROE LAND DISTRICT, LOUISIANA.

Mr. MOREY also, by unanimous consent, introduced a bill (H. R. No. 16) to reëstablish the Monroe land district in the State of Louisiana; which was read a first and second time, and referred to the Committee on the Public Lands when appointed.

MESSAGE FROM THE SENATE.

A message from the Senate, by Mr. SYMP. SON, one of its clerks, announced that the Senate had, in the absence of the Vice President, chosen Hon. HENRY B. ANTHONY, a Senator from the State of Rhode Island, to be President of the Senate pro tempore.

ORDER OF BUSINESS.

Mr. MOREY. I ask unanimous consent to offer the following resolution

Mr. NIBLACK. I wish to make a proposi tion to the House, that by general consent the States and Territories be called as on Mondays for bills and joint resolutions to be referred to the several committees when appointed.

Mr. DICKEY. And not to be brought back by motions to reconsider.

The SPEAKER. The gentleman from Indiana [Mr. NIBLACK] may renew his proposition after the resolution which the gentleman from Louisiana [Mr. MOREY] desires to offer has been disposed of.

MISSISSIPPI LEVEES.

Mr. MOREY. I ask unanimous consent to offer the following resolution:

Resolved, That a special committee, to consist of five members of this House, and to be known as the Committee on Mississippi Levees, be appointed by the Speaker, whose duty it shall be to examine and consider the subject of the construction and maintenance of a complete and effective system of levees on the Mississippi river for the redemption and protection of alluvial lands from overflow, and also what action, if any, should be taken by Congress.

Resolved further, That said committee be authorized to sit during the recess of Congress, and to report by bill or otherwise at the next session of Congress. Mr. DAWES. I hope the gentleman will strike out the last part of the resolution.

The SPEAKER. The resolution requires unanimous consent.

Mr. MOREY. I will state that it involves no expense whatever to the Government. There is not a dollar to be expended. The committee will sit at their own expense. The members will be all receiving salaries.

Mr. CREBS. Well, put that in the resolution. The SPEAKER. The gentleman might insert in the resolution the words "but not at any expense to the Government."

Mr. MOREY. I will agree to that modification.

Mr. DAWES. I am afraid it will have to be a select committee indeed. [Laughter.] There being no objection to the resolution, it was agreed to.

Mr. MOREY moved to reconsider the vote by which the resolution was adopted; and also

moved that the motion to reconsider be laid on the table.

The latter motion was agreed to.

CONSTRUCTION OF BRIDGES.

Mr. FINKELNBURG, by unanimous consent, introduced a bill (H. R. No. 17) to authorize and regulate the construction of bridges across the Mississippi, Missouri, and Ohio rivers; which was read a first and second time, and referred to the Committee on Commerce when appointed.

CARRIAGE OF PASSENGERS IN STEAMSHIPS.

Mr. FINKELNBURG also, by unanimous consent, introduced a bill (H. R. No. 18) to amend an act entitled "An act to regulate the carriage of passengers in steamships and other vessels," approved March 3, 1865; which was read a first and second time, and referred to the Committee on Commerce when appointed.

Mr. WOOD. I call for the regular order of business. We shall be all day doing this miscellaneous business.

Mr. NIBLACK. I desire now to renew my proposition.

The SPEAKER. The gentleman from New York demands the regular order.

DEFICIENCY APPROPRIATION BILL.

Mr. DAWES. I ask unanimous consent to have put upon its passage a deficiency bill, which provides for several items which were dropped out of the regular appropriation bill by accident.

Mr. COX. What! more deficiencies? Was there ever such a Government? Deficiencies all the time!

The bill, making appropriations for the pay. ment of additional clerks and messengers in the Pension Office, and for other purposes, was read for information.

The first section appropriates the following sums in order to carry into effect the provis ions of an act entitled "An act granting pen. sions to certain soldiers and sailors of the war of 1812, and the widows of deceased soldiers," approved February 15, 1871:

For payment during the remainder of the present fiscal year of two clerks of class three, four clerks of class two, nineteen clerks of class one, and three assistant messengers in the Pension Office, to be appointed by the Secretary of the Interior, $14,940. For office rent and furniture and contingent expenses of said office for the same period, $6.500.

For the payment during the fiscal year ending June 30, 1872, of four clerks of class three, eight clerks of class two, forty-eight clerks of class one, and four assistant messengers in said office, to be appointed by the Secretary of the Interior, $78.080. For office rent, furniture, stationery, and contingent expenses of said office during the said year, $7,000.

The section further provides that nothing in any act contained shall be construed to alter or amend the act entitled "An act to define the duties of pension agents and prescribe the manner of paying pensions, and for other purposes, approved July 8, 1870, but the provisions of said act are declared to be in full force and effect, and applicable to the prosecution of claims to pensions and to the pay: ment of pensions as they may be allowed under any or all the various acts of Congress granting the same. The second section appropriates $6,525, or so much thereof as may be necessary, to pay the salary for the remainder of the present and for the next fiscal year of the Assistant Attorney General, authorized to be appointed by the act of the last session of Congress. The third section appropriates the following sums:

To supply a deficiency in the appropriation for the contingent expenses of the House of Representatives for the present fiscal year, the same to be added to the appropriation for miscellaneous items, $5,000.

To supply deficiencies for the present fiscal year, as follows:

For clerks and messengers in the office of the Assistant Treasurer at Baltimore, $6.760.

For clerks and messengers in the office of Assistant Treasurer at Cincinnati, $5.250.

For clerks and messengers in the office of Assistant Treasurer at Chicago, $1,100.

For clerks and messengers in the office of Assistant Treasurer at Louisville, $800.

It further provides that in addition to the clerks authorized by the act approved May 5, 1860, the Secretary of the Interior is author. ized and empowered to promote from clerks of class one employed in the Census Office three to be clerks of class four, seven to be clerks of class three, and fifteen to be clerks of class two, and appropriates the sum of $7,600 to pay the increased salaries; provided that no increase in the total number of clerks employed in the said bureau shall be deemed to be authorized, and that the authority for such additional clerkships of the second, third, and fourth class shall terminate one year from date. It further provides that there shall be appropriated for the purpose of carrying out the stipulations of the treaty of July 20, 1863, between the United States of America and his Majesty the king of Belgium, providing for the payment of interest in the matter of the capitalization of the Scheldt dues, being a deficiency in the appropriations for the payment of the seventh annual installment due the Government of Belgium under said treaty, April 1, 1871, and the eighth annual installment due April 1, 1872, $12,000, or so much thereof as may be necessary. The total sum appropriated by the bill is $141,555.

No objection being made, the bill (H. R. No. 19) was received and read a first and second time.

The question was upon ordering the bill to be engrossed and read a third time.

Mr. COX. I would like to know the neces sity of this deficiency bill at this time. My friend from Maryland [Mr. ARCHER] informs me that the last Congress appropriated nothing at all for the depository in Baltimore.

Mr. DAWES. I will state to the gentleman how this comes about. The first item, which is for the additional clerks in the Pension Office, is rendered necessary by a bill passed Febru ary 14, 1871, allowing pensions to the soldiers of 1812. The estimate for the additional force absolutely necessary to carry out that law did not reach us until the appropriation bills had all passed out of the House. They were directed to the acting chairman of the Com. mittee of Appropriations of the Senate, but in the hurry of business at the close of the session they were not inserted.

To the next item I would like to have the particular attention of the House; that is, for a deficiency in the contingent fund of the House. It is scarcely ten days since we passed a bill giving $15,000 additional to the contingent fund of the House of Representatives. It is due to the Clerk of the House that I should state why there is another deficiency at this time. Since the passage of that act there has been allowed to gentlemen not entitled at all to seats in the House the additional sum of ten thousand and odd dollars; making a gross sum of $114,374 85 paid by resolutions of the House, from time to time, to gentlemen who the House has decided have no right to a dollar of it. We have added about ten thou. sand dollars to that sum since the last deficiency was appropriated for, and that creates the necessity for this sum of $5,000, which is the next item in this bill.

The item for the Scheldt dues is the difference between the payments under the treaty in currency and in gold, varying at different times because of the difference in the rates of exchange. That has created a necessity for about six thousand dollars to make up what we have agreed to pay under the treaty with Belgium for the capitalization of the Scheldt dues.

The next item is for the salary of an Assistant Attorney General, which office Congress created by law after the appropriation bills had passed out of the House.

The next item is for the salaries of the several officers in the sub-Treasury in Baltimore and in some of the other sub-Treasuries; which item dropped out of the deficieney bill while in committee of conference.