to compromise the royal authority by any act of timidity or baseness, and he rightly judged that it would be nothing less to comply with the urgent solicitations of the Prince of Orange, who earnestly, and even importunately, pressed for an accommodation with the insurgents.

Mr. White lauds the wisdom of the prince in saying, Trust not to our allies, or to Great Britain. In the present state of public feeling throughout Europe it is neither the policy nor the interest of the one or the other to interfere in our favour. If we throw down the glove, we must confide in our own good swords alone; for England, having acknowledged the revolution of July, will not risk a general war to put down that of August. Let precautionary measures be ordered; let us show that we are determined to maintain the rights vested in us by the allies; but let us avoid all acts that may increase the evil we desire to suppress. Let us shun civil war, until this partial insurrection (for at present it is nothing more) shall have assumed such a positive revolutionary character as will leave us no other alternative but to endeavour to preserve by the sword that which we cannot maintain by conciliatory measures."

The plain answer to this is, that matters had at that time assumed that decided revolutionary character which would have left the King of Holland without excuse in halting between two opinions. In one of his principal cities his authority was openly despised: his troops were compelled to observe an ignominious neutrality; and a deputation were on their way to the Hague, not to solicit forgiveness, or to supplicate indulgence, but to propose terms of accommodation, which he could not listen to without a virtual abdication of his royal functions. It is strange that, in such circumstances, a scion of the house of Orange should have counselled submission to the dictation of a mob. Besides, he well knew that no foreign aid was necessary to enable the King to crush the insurgents. The means were abundantly at hand by which they might be reduced to reason; and nothing but a degree of credulity and supineness, for which his anxious apologist can find no excuse,

prevented the prince himself, at an after period, from arresting, by a single blow, the career of the heroes of the Belgic revolution.

It was, certainly, most ill-judged to place the prince at the head of the troops who were sent to Brussels, when that city was in the hands of armed insurgents. His valour was undoubted, but the complexion of his political opinions was more than calculated to render it of no avail. He condescended to parley with a deputation of the citizens, who appeared in his presence with the insignia of rebellion, and at their instance he checked the forward movement of the military, who were burning to avenge the insult which had been offered to their king. The insurgents were thus greatly encouraged: the object of the deputation was completely answered; delay was procured, during which the revolutionary fervour was sure to increase, and the means by which an effective opposition might be made to the royal forces be considerably augmented. It was arranged between the prince and the deputies that he should, on the next day enter the city, attended only by his personal staff. We will extract the account which Mr. White gives of that interesting event, as it is strikingly characteristic of the boldness of the prince, and also presents a faithful picture of the spirit which animated the insurgents :—

"Soon after midday his Royal Highness was perceived approaching the Lankenbridge, attended by four officers of his own suite, and a small escort of light horse. It was an anxious moment for the whom, up to the last instant, had earnestly prince and those around him, some of implored him to revoke his decision, and

prince; that Providence which has so often watched over me in the hour of peril will not abandon me. That star which through centuries has shone upon the house of Nassau will not now withdraw its light. I shall enter without mistrust, and implicitly confide on the loyalty of the citizens. They may be rebellious, but they are not cold-blooded assassins. I never wilfully wronged any man. I go there for the general welfare. They will not be ungrateful. The greater the peril, the more eminent the glory; and were I to purchase the restoration of peace by the sacrifice of my life, my fall would not be less honourable than if I met death on the field of battle.'

"As his Royal Highness approached the bridge, he dismissed his escort of cavalry, and was respectfully received by the staff of the Burgher Guard, to whom he addressed himself in an animated, conciliatory manner, the men presenting arms, and the drums beating the salute. As he rode down the line, a silence peculiarly impressive reigned around; for it had been wisely recommended to the burghers not to proffer any cries of loyalty, lest they might give rise to opposition, and call forth exclamations of an offensive nature. For, although the vast majority were well-disposed, it was impossible to answer for the whole, and still less for the vast multitude of idle spectators that lined the roads and filled the adjoining plains.

Upon reaching the Lanken gate, and perceiving the dense masses of armed men that filled the streets, a momentary paleness overspread the prince's countenance, and he betrayed symptoms of deep emotion, not unmingled with distrust. After a moment's pause, he turned to the persons near him, and expressed a desire to ascend the Boulevards, and thus to proceeed to his palace by the Rue Royale. But this was objected to, because the line of burghers was drawn up in the direction of the Theatre, and they, as well as the populace, awaited his passage. Looking around, and finding himself completely in the power of the surrounding masses, his Royal Highness suppressed his own feelings, and merely saying to Van der Smissen. Duval, Plaisant, and others, who walked by his side, Gentlemen, I confide in you,' he assented, with a smile, to their demands.

"This proceeding on the part of the people was not without its object, fears being entertained by them that if the

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Upon penetrating further into the city, the prince was evidently astounded at the formidable preparations made to oppose the public entry. The streets, especially where they opened on the Boulevards, were intersected with deep trenches, barricadoes, and chevaux-defrize, so as to render it nearly impossible to pass from one to the other without clambering over various obstacles, or passing through narrow intervals, that scarcely admitted the passing of a horse. These defensive works, the result of one night's labour, showed what might be done were a longer time allowed for preparation. They were proofs of the danger of attempting to penetrate into a city thus fortified, especially with cavalry. The lesson was, however, thrown away.

"As the cavalcade advanced, the same silence was observed. There were no greetings, no hurrahs! no symptoms of loyalty and devotion. There was a buzzing hum, a rushing to and fro, but no acclamations. No flowers were strewed in the streets, no handkerchiefs waved from the windows. Every eye, every countenance seemed to frown upon him;

'No man cried, "God save him!" No joyful tongue gave him his welcome home?" Although his clenched jaw and expanded nostril more than once bespoke the intensity of his feelings, and a momentary tear did glitter in his eye, he suppressed the emotions of his heart, and maintaining a gallant bearing, stopped here and there to address some persons of his acquaintance, praising some for their good conduct, assuring others that if it de

pended on his exertions their grievances should be speedily redressed.

"On reaching the Marche aux Herbes, his Royal Highness expressed a desire to proceed direct to his palace; but, independent of the immense crowd that filled the Rue de la Madelaine, impassable barricadoes completely barred the passage. As some discussion took place as to the route to be followed, the populace became extremely clamorous, and with loud shouts exclaimed, To the Palace of the people! -to the Hotel d' Ville!' whilst an athletic and fierce-looking man, armed with a pike, sprung forward, and brandishing his weapon above the head of the prince's horse, roared out, Vive la liberte!-to the Town Hall! Turning to M. Plaisant, who stood at the prince's stirrup, his Royal Highness exclaimed, Cursed liberty, that will not allow a man to go directly to his own house!' The multitude now becoming still more clamorous, and the persons near the prince feeling anxious for their illustrious charge, M. Plaisant whispered to him, Quicken your pace, sir, in God's name: it will be more prudent to proceed, to the Town Hall.'

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Upon reaching the front of the building, on the peristyle of which the regency was assembled, the prince reined in his horse, and the immense crowd having formed a circle around him, he harangued them in a strain of deep feeling and moderation. He appealed to their loyalty and love of order, and promised to devote himself to their welfare; he told them, although there was no occasion for arming, the troops being come as brethren, not as enemies, that he himself, as colonel general of the communal guard, was glad to see himself surrounded by armed citizens. On concluding, he raised his hat, and shouted Vive le roi!' But these talismanic words, so effective in ordinary times, had lost their charm: they were either feebly re-echoed, or drowned by vociferous shouts of Vive la liberte! A bas Van Maanen whilst even the more popular cry of Vive la prince!' was accompanied by no enthusiastic marks of devotion.

"It was here that an accident occurred that might have led to most unpleasant consequences. The horse rode by the prince, a beautiful but vicious animal, became frightened and irritated by the pressure of the crowd on his flanks. It had already bitten more than one person, and had kicked Baron Van der Smissen so severely as to disable him from further

duty. An individual having incautiously placed his hand on the fiery creature's crupper, it instantly lashed out, and struck him so severely, as to awaken apprehensions of his life.

"The populace, concluding the man to have been killed, broke forth into loud vociferations. Some cried— Bayonet the vicious brute ! Alight! alight! and walk with us!' whilst others roared out, On foot, on foot! we are not to be trampled beneath Dutch hoofs.' In the mean while the prince called to his groom, sprung from the animal he rode to the back of that of his attendant, and said, if the man is injured, I will give him a pension of five hundred florins; the horse shall be destroyed.' But from the menacing attitude of the crowd, or from some sudden impulse, his Royal Highness had scarcely uttered these words ere he put his horse into a trot, and, having reached the narrow street leading from the Grande Palace to the Palace of Justice, broke into a gallop, followed by his staff and a few mounted burghers.

"His progress was not unattended with peril. Being compelled to urge his charger over one of the barricadoes, neither his personal attendants or escort could follow, so that he arrived suddenly and alone in the square of the Palace of Justice. Here, from ignorance or malice, an armed burgher rushed at him with a fixed bayonet, and the consequence might have been fatal, had not another citizen sprung forward, and turned the weapon. Loud and insulting language was now uttered by some of the bystanding rabble; and being joined at length by his suite, and an opening being made in the barricades that barred every issue, the prince proceeded rapidly to his palace, where he arrived in no ordinary state of excitement and displeasure at what had passed

the reader with this passage at full We have thought it right to present length, as it may be considered an epitome of the conduct and the spirit exhibited on both sides in this revolutionary contest. On the part of the populace, all was firm and consistent. They met the royal mediator in the spirit of men determined not to retract one iota of their demands; and the frowning barricades and chevaux de frize but too plainly intimated how resolute they were in the defence of what they conceived to be their liberties. The gallant bearing of the prince

did not misbecome the race from which he sprung; but his generous committal of himself to the custody of armed bands, in rebellion against the royal authority, was a fatal betrayal of the government which had conferred upon him his high command, and proved how utterly unfit he was for the discharge of the duties with which he had been entrusted. The insurgents did not fail to take every advantage of his presence; and finally he was with much difficulty suffered to take his leave, having almost pledged himself to obtain for them at the Hague conditions which he might have well known his royal father would sooner die than comply with.

The prince would seem to have looked upon an administrative separation between the two countries as desirable, and to have shaped his course with a view to the securing for himself those "golden opinions" which might enable him to enter upon the office of viceroy with eclat and advantage. If that were his view in the course which he pursued, never were measures more entirely calculated to defeat his object.

Indeed, when the prince consented to become the advocate of the Belgians with his father, for an administrative separation, he felt conscious that some such construction might be put upon his conduct, and be had recourse to a curious device in order to protect himself against it. This was, to procure from the leading members of the insurgents a paper testifying to his good conduct and intimate knowledge of the real state of affairs, and the perfect conformity of his opinions with those of the Belgian people. Upon this, Mr. White well observes, that "the history of revolutions scarcely furnishes a more singular paradox than that of the heir of the crown being under the necessity of applying to his father's revolted subjects, in order to obtain a certificate that might enable him to gain greater credence with that father, and exculpate him from all sinister intentions."

His proclamation upon quitting Brussels was fraught with the most helpless imbecility. "The burgher guard," he writes, "engages, on its honor, not to suffer any change of dynasty." Not to suffer! Was not

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that a plain declaration that the dy nasty already existed but on sufferance? On its honor! Was not that equivalent to saying that its oath was no longer binding, if, indeed, the words were not used in mockery of the solemn engagement by which the subject rati fies his allegiance? On the whole, the 1 prince's conduct was a curious compound of presumption, weakness, vanity and ambition.

Meanwile the revolt spread through all the other Belgic provinces. The same rude energy marked the conduct of the populace, while the conduct of those who should have espoused the cause of the government, was characterised by the same unaccountable remissness or infatuation.

Mr. White observes, "possessed that enHad the Netherlands' government," lightened perspicacity, that profound knowledge of the internal workings of popular feeling throughout Europe, previously ascribed to its diplomatists-had its statesmen been as remarkable for their

penetration as regarded the future, as they were preeminent for the logical acumen and ability with which they debated the past, they must have felt assured that no medium, no compromise was possible with the people at home, and that no assistance was probable from sovereigns abroad. Only one of two alternatives, therefore, remained: they should either have granted all, nay, more than all that was demanded, and thus placing themselves at the head of the movement, have carried the people with them; or, boldly seizing rebellion by the forelock, they should have trampled it under foot ere it had time to reach maturity. Had they selected the first, the nation would have clung with ardour to the dynasty, and the liberals of Europe would have gone with them; had they chosen the second, all governments would have applauded; for then the outbreaking was universally execrated as a mere wanton, unjustifiable revolt."

We are of opinion that the latter part of the alternative was that which could alone have been safely adopted; and for this reason, because the revolt was altogether unjustifiable. Had it proceeded from grievances which admitted of no other mode of redress, the case would have been different, and concession might have produced tranquillity. But being, as it was,

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wanton and unprovoked, the rebellious spirit of the people would only have been increased by indulgence, and an administrative separation would have been but the precursor to an entire and speedy dissolution of the union.

No contrast ever was more striking than that now exhibited between the two divisions of these ill-assorted king doms. If the fires of sedition were spreading through Belgium, the flame of loyalty, which always burned brightly and steadily in Holland, blazed forth with an augmented brilliancy, as if the Dutch were desirous of compensating, by the intensity of their enthusiastic devotion, for the failure of Belgic allegiance. And this renders it more difficult to account for the supineness of the cabinet. “No more parleys or negociations, unless supported by cannon! War to the rebels-war to the knife!" This was the language which resounded throughout Holland, and which found an echo in the bosom of almost every individual of its population-except the highest. His paternal feelings not only blinded his sagacity, but stifled his resentment; and while the insurgents were collecting and concentrating their masses and while the implements of sedition, both moral and physical, were hourly accumulating, so that each succeeding day brought with it an accession of confidence and determination, the good king still indulged hopes that they would be accessible to reason, and that the weapons of war might be rendered unnecessary by cogent argument and gentle expostulation.

He was, indeed, placed in a very critical position, not only as related to the ultra-loyalty of one part of his subjects, and the ultra-disloyalty of the other, but also as he stood related to the other powers of Europe. The treaty of Vienna formed the basis upon which his kingdom was erected, and any infringement of the provisions of that treaty might be considered to involve a forfeiture of his claim to the protection of the other great powers; and, in point of fact, when those claims were urged at a subsequent period, they were resisted, upon the ground that he himself gave the initiative to an administrative separation. By his want of vigour, therefore, or rather we should say, by his reluctance to have recourse to the "summum jus,"

he disheartened his friends, he strengthened his enemies, and furnished the great powers with an excuse for abandoning him in the hour of his necessity.

over

The Prince of Orange having, as might be anticipated, failed in his attempt to persuade the king to comply with the requisition of the people of Brussels, lost credit with both parties, and by the one was considered treacherous, by the other unfaithful. Prince Frederick was now entrusted with the command of an whelming force, which, had it been properly employed, would soon have brought the insurgents to reason. But he, also, was dilatory in his measures, and was less disposed to try the effect of arms than of negociation. In this unhappy disposition he was confirmed by emissaries from the town, who brought him the deceitful assurance that the bulk of the people were devotedly loyal, and only awaited the presence of an overpowering force in order to manifest their fidelity to the king. It is strange that, after all that occurred, he could have suffered himself to be thus imposed on. Yet so it was. Day after day his camp was visited by emissaries who thus misrepresented the state of feeling in Brussels; and up to the very moment that his troops were falling around him, from murderous discharges from the houses and the barricades, his royal highness continued to labour under this delusion.

A soldier would have seen, to use Mr. White's words, "that he had but one of two plans to pursue, namely, either to withdraw his troops to the adjacent heights, to place them on positions at half gun-shot, to throw up batteries, and thence to bombard the town, unless so many thousand stand of arms and a given number of hostages were sent to him at a prescribed hour, or, by closely investing all the avenues of the city, and preventing all egress or ingress, thus to reduce it to starvation."

We quite agree with our author, that if motives of humanity prevented the former, it is very difficult indeed to account for the prince's not selecting the less sanguinary, but not less certain means of investment.

"In the mean time, the situation of the royal troops was most distressing.