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ject of that desperate faction to depress and dispirit the loyal, and to sustain and encourage the disloyal portion of the people. The church is to be plundered and abandoned, and the best friends of British connection are to be systematically insulted and reviled. It may be pleaded, that England, as she is at present governed, cannot help this. Her wretched ministers are at the mercy of a popish faction who must be propitiated, and they possess not the power, even if they had the inclination, to obtain better terms for the loyal Protestants of Ireland. But only so much the more, therefore, does it behove those loyal Protestants, to endeavour to secure or to obtain for themselves what cannot or will not be obtained for them by the government of the country. By a firm,peaceable, determined resistance to the desperate courses at present pursued, much may be done to delay, if not to avert, the destruction which must otherwise inevitably attend them. And how can this be better accomplished, than by means of the compact and energetic organization of the Orange Institution. It is not for brave men to strike their colours at the first appearance of formidable danger. It is not for Christian men to despair of the ultimate stability of a gospel church, which, by a very little adaptation to the circumstances of the age, may be made the greatest blessing to the country. The sentiment should ever be in their hearts, "God is in the midst of her, therefore shall she not be removed; God shall help her, and that right early." They should, therefore, persevere in the noble and the holy determination of leaving nothing undone on their part which may serve to expose and to defeat the crafts and assaults of the enemy. And the very embarassments of the goverment by whom they ought to be protected, should only inspire them with a more earnest desire to labour for the maintenance and the preservation of all that is valuable to them as men and as Christians. While the British ministry sympathised with them, and could, at any moment, assist them, it might not have been so indispensable to enter into combinations for the security of their religion, their properties, and their lives; and yet the reader has seen that even then, VOL. VI.

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And this tyranny WILL be overpast." England is every hour awaking from her democratic delusion. does not pass over our heads without adding to the number of those good men and true, who deplore the sufferings of, and are uniting to make common cause with their brethren in Ireland. Remember Derry. Let the suffering Irish Protestant hold in mind that memorable siege, when its noble inhabitants stalked gaunt and fleshless skeletons through their beleagured town, and when their cry was still "no surrender." We are not as yet reduced to those straits; and the same help in time of need which rescued them, may, in our extremity, be extended to us, if we are animated by their brave example.

This is the gloomy hour of Ireland. The powers of darkness have obtained a terrible ascendancy. But if we trust not in God, in such emergencies, where is our faith? And if we persevere not in in a righteous resistance to oppression and wickedness, will we not be regarded as self-abandoned? But that may not be. Our cause is a holy cause, and we cannot desert it or despair of it, without a degree of impiety that would justify the heaviest visitation. Besides, England has heard our cry, and will help us. That noble people are discovering how grossly they have been abused. The murder of our clergy, the expatriation of our Protestant yeomen, the attack upon our church, the insolent domination of the Roman Catholic priests, the confiscation of ecclesiastical revenues, the whole course of legislation respecting us which has been pursued in the imperial parliament, the exposures which have taken place, at Exeter Hall and elsewhere, of the infamous and uncharitable dogmas taught in 'Dens' Theology"-all these things must have produced a conviction of the oppression under which we labour, and the ruthless tyranny to which we are in danger of being exposed, and it only requires that that conviction should be somewhat more extensive, in order to our salvation.

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Nor is it too late to give them that sound information by which the worst evils that threaten us may yet be averted. But not a moment is to be lost. Let the statesman whose high behest it is to consult for their moral and political welfare recollect that he has not to deal with a French populace, or a Belgic populace. Let him recollect that he has not to deal with a people to whom liberty is a novelty, and of whom it might be said that "the stranger had got into their heads." The British nation were cradled in free institutions, and they have been a gospel-hearing and a Bible-reading people for three hundred years. There is, therefore, a solid ground for political faith in such a people, that is not to be found elsewhere, and the statesman who wants it at the present day cannot preside with advantage over the destinies of England. Let him only duly and diligently seek, and he will surely find, that there is no lack of that 'righteousness that exalteth a nation," even though there should be no small abundance of that "sin that is a reproach to any people." And under a wise and righteous administration of the powers of government he will have the satisfaction of seeing that the one will increase, while the other will decrease, until knowledge and piety will be more than a match for the infidelity and the reckless ignorance that have hitherto pioneered the progress of popular ambition.

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Let us, therefore, in God's name, not be wanting to ourselves. The times, I know, are trying. Faithful men are put to a severe test. Even their notions of loyalty are against them, in a crisis like the present, rendering it difficult for them to recognize in the King's ministers the enemies of his kingdom. I do not say that these ministers are knowingly such enemies. But surely their measures are in direct hostility to what men in their position should look upon as good and right, and must tend to the overthrow of the monarchy, if they be not strenuously resisted. Resist them, therefore, we must, or perish. When I say resist, I mean, of course, constitutional resistance. We must meet them at the registries and on the hustings. Above all, we must meet them by an able and energetic press. That great regulator of public opinion has been too long, by the conservative party, most unwisely neglected. To do justice to the enemies of our institution, they have not neglected it. It has been, in their hands, as a lever for the overthrow of the church and the monarchy. By its means they have already metamorphosed the constitution. But that which has been thus rendered powerful for evil may, in good hands, be made powerful for good; and if the Conservatives are true to themselves, they may employ it upon a vantageground that would soon give them an unbounded control over the great majority of the constituencies of the empire. But I must not suffer myself to be This I say, from my deeply-seated drawn from my purpose by any general conviction of the moral worth and the dissertation on the state of affairs. My political honesty of the people of Eng-purpose was and is the defence of the land. In their very worst and weakest Orangemen of Ireland. The reader acts they clearly exhibited good inten- has seen what may be said on their tions. They were misinformed, they behalf, and it is for him to judge whe were deluded, they were led astray, ther or not it ought to be considered during the reform mania; and for this sufficient to refute the allegations I will not say that the vile radical against them. Indeed I could wish to press were one whit more responsible refer those who desire fuller informathan that great party by whom it was tion than I have given them to the so long suffered to work its wicked parliamentary report of the select comwill, without any effective counterac- mittee appointed to inquire into_the tion. But so it was; the people were origin, the character, and the effects never more convinced of being right of the Orange Association in Ireland. than when they were most grossly That committee was moved for by one wrong; and they laboured with all the of the bitterest enemies of the instizeal of patriots for objects which, if tution; and having consumed nearly they had been more correctly informed the whole session in a close and scrutias to their nature and tendency, they nizing investigation, they have been would, as patriots, have abjured. unable to fasten any other imputation

On the system than that lodges have been held in marching regiments; but they were utterly unable to discover a single fact to prove that by their existence military discipline was injured.

The Orangemen will not do themselves justice unless selections from the evidence taken before that committee be collected and published, for the information of the public at large. They should be particularly careful to extract and to disseminate the admissions and the contradictions of their enemies.

put to shame the ignorance of foolish men." MONTANUS.

County Down, Sept. 10th, 1835.

I should have said that the special committee appointed to inquire into the nature and effects of the Orange Institution terminated their labours rather abruptly. When it commenced its sittings, the accusers of the Orangemen were not prepared to go on with their case, and before any attempt was made to inculpate them by any serious charge, their advocates were called upon to prove that they were blameless. This was sufficiently preposterous. Well, accordingly, the witnesses on their behalf were summoned, and before one-half of them were examined, certainly before the Orangemen had an opportunity of putting forward one-half of their case, the committee change their minds, dismiss the witnesses, and enter upon the adverse case-upon an express understanding, however, that the gentlemen then dismissed would be recalled, and that an ample opportunity would be afforded of rebutting the charges and the allegations of their enemies. Your readers will be surprised to hear that not one of these gentlemen were recalled, and that the whole time of the committee during the remainder of the session was occupied in hearing Oh! what a world is this, when what is comely the statements of their adversaries. Envenoms him that bears it!

I now take leave of the subject. What an old man, who may be said to have been one of those who "rocked the cradle" of the Institution, could do for it, I have done. I trust it will not be my fate to "follow its hearse." But I write under a pressure of events which bear heavily on the fortunes of Protestant Ireland. The session has nearly closed, and the arch agitator is still enthroned in absolute supremacy over a government which, as Sir Robert Peel has well said, has accepted of office upon the condition of giving him power. The Orangemen are already denounced and proscribed. To be an Orangeman is to incur disqualification for civil or military employment. Where will this end!

But my brave and loyal brethren will, I trust, bear up, and maintain a good heart, under these insulting and injurious persecutions. Let them be assured that any violence into which they might be betrayed will only, in a tenfold degree, strengthen the hands of their enemies. Their reliance must be on their good canse, their tranquil demeanour, and the awakening good sense of the people of England. Let nothing be left undone to put that people in possession of their whole case, and to remove the prejudices which they have been taught to entertain against them, and I venture to prophesy that the day of their triumph is not very distant. Falsehood must soon vanish before correct information, and loyalty will not always be held in dim eclipse by convicted treason, and all loyal Orangemen will have the satisfaction of finding that “by a patient perseverance in well-doing they will

In the course of the Rev. Mortimer O'Sullivan's examination some strong points were made against the church of Rome. It did not appear, to those who heard them, altogether so incomparable and so immaculate as Mr. O'Connell usually represents it. It did not, indeed, appear wholly free from imputations of intolerance and perfidy, by which Mr. O'Connell's choler was greatly moved, insomuch that the honourable and learned gentleman offered himself as a witness, to be examined by his own committee, for the purpose of disproving the Rev. Gentleman's statements. However, in proportion as he deployed his facts, Mr. O'Connell eschewed the task of refu tation, and was understood to have intimated to the chairman of the committee that he had no desire to be examined. But towards the close of the proceedings he changed his mind, and he did appear as a witness, and he was suffered to put in one or two

documents, by which, as he conceived, a strong impression must be made, without any sufficient pains having been taken to test their authenticity. This strange proceeding has given rise to a letter from the Rev. Mortimer O'Sullivan, which puts the whole case in a clear light, and which must produce a powerful effect, contrasting as it does the rigidness of the scrutiny which was

applied to the statements of the Orange witnesses with the easiness with which those of the opposite party were admitted. Let any impartial man, or indeed, any man of any party, read it, and then say whether he would like to have the same justice done to him which was received from the abovenamed committee by the Orangemen of Ireland.-M.

We had intended to have transferred to our pages the admirable letter of Mr. O'Sullivan to which our correspondent alludes-not so much in the expectation that it might in this shape meet the eye of any one who has not already read it, as from a wish to give it greater permanence than belongs to the fleeting columns of a newspaper. We regret, however, that want of space prevents us from carrying our intention into effect.

Our valued correspondent has now concluded his series of letters, and we feel persuaded that it is needless for us to express our admiration of the ability and temper with which he has supported the cause of his brethren. It is with unaffected sincerity that we say, that we feel proud that our pages have been the medium of giving to the public so eloquent and powerful a defence of the principles of Orangeism. At the same time, we are sure that our friend will excuse us if we feel it necessary to repeat our declaration, that for the opinions he has expressed we are not responsible. There are many points upon which we disagree with him. We have a much greater jealousy of extra-constitutional associations than "Montanus" entertains--we believe that nothing but imperious necessity can justify their existence; and we cannot agree with “Montanus" that this necessity is an inevitable result of the democratic element of our con stitution. We think, too, that our correspondent has not given sufficient credit to the labours of the Brunswick Clubs and the Conservative Society-the latter especially performed services to the cause of Protestantism that no Protestant ever should forget. Upon these and some other points we would wish that Montanus had expressed himself differently; but we would have been unpardonable had we permitted these differences to be the cause of our with holding these excellent letters from the public.

We trust that the suggestion with regard to publishing extracts from the evidence taken before the committee will not be lost sight of. We are happy to avail ourselves of this opportunity of recording our admiration of the evidence given by the officers of the Institution, who, under the most harassing crossexamination, conducted themselves with the most perfect prudence and good temper. The evidence given by Mr. Baker and by Mr. Blacker, the Deputy Treasurer and Secretary of the Institution, is peculiarly valuable, and reflects equal credit upon the talents and discretion of these gentlemen.

Our correspondent has not alluded to the atrocious plot discovered by Mr. O'Connell and Mr. Hume, having for its object the altering of the succession to the crown-to ensure which all Orangemen were, so long as such an oath was legal, sworn to maintain that succession!!

We cannot conclude these few remarks without noticing the affair between the Corporation of Cork and the Privy Council. Some ragamuffins of Cork called themselves the citizens of Cork, and presented a petition against the newly-appointed Mayor, on the ground of his being an Orangeman. For the present Lord Mulgrave and his Council have withheld their approval of the election. As the matter is still pending, we will not usurp the judicial functions of the Privy Council by commenting on it. We can scarcely, however, anticipate a decision by which the Council will institute themselves into a Star Chamber, to make that a crime which the law does not, and punish a British subject for belonging to a legal society, which has only been denounced by Mr. O'Connell. If they do, farewell to British liberty-unless Britons be prepared at all extremities to preserve it.

September 21st.

A. P.

TERENCE RYLEY'S ADVENTURES.

Communicated by Mrs. S. C. HALL,

I NEED hardly offer an apology for "editing," or rather reading and transcribing, without correcting, poor Terence's adventures. As he wrote them to "his dear ould mother at Bannow," so are they presented to the Editor of the Dublin University Magazine. A. M. H.

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the Benny bridge, that I did that same,
though). But you are an Irishman ?"
she says again."Thank God for his
goodness, I am," said I; for I never
let on to the English I'm ashamed of
my country. Then," says she, “don't
think to make a fool of me; for every
Irishman is born a Paddy! Born a
Paddy," she says again, "the same as
a cow is born a cow, and a pig a pig!"
And from that day to this, sorra a
name she has on me but Paddy, and
I can't find it in my heart to quarrel
with her, on account of the blue eyes.
"And if Ba-no," (that's the
way she
calls it,) "if Ba-no is so pretty," says
she, "why did you leave it?" "Because,
miss," I makes answer, "I was rather
soft, and I took a fancy to the master,
on account of the fancy he took to me,
and not quite liking to go to service in
my own place, on account of my father
being a decent tradesman of a tailor."
"That's Irish pride!" says she, her
blue eyes laughing like fairy-candles in
her head. No, miss," says I, "it's
only dacency." Decency," she says,
"has nothing to do with it. My father
has a shop in the Strand; but he has
ten daughters, and though we might
all live at home, we would think it
mean to be dependant while we could
earn our living by our own hands.
My sisters have all trades; but I like
service better." Oh, mother, think of
the five Miss Kavanaghs, in their black
beavers and Tuscany bonnets, turning
out from their father's bit of a shop
on the hill, to earn their bread; and
yet Lucy's father's shop is grander
than e'er a shop in Dublin. “ 'I think,"

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London, August the 29th. MY DEAR AND BLESSED MOTHERThis goes hoping it will find you in better health (to say nothing of the spirits) than it leaves me in at present; for what with the hot weather and the travelling and the bother, I haven't a leg, left nor right, to stand on. I wish I was back with you and the girls in Bannow; and if once I get therecatch me out of it again-that's all! Oh! they're an unbelieving set, them English; and betwixt you and methough I'd be sorry to have it made public-not over and above mannerly. Would you believe it that I saw a spalpeen take the inside of who do you think? Counsellor Dan himself! and I may walk ten mile of ground without anyone saying, "God save you kindly," or "I'm proud to see you, Mister Ryley." Think of that! And as to the unbelief: the've no belief in them at all, good or bad. I got a little comfortable one night (the master has grand lodgings in a beautiful house, where the outside step of the door is washed every morning, and a white brick rubbed on it for cleanliness)--one night I was in the kitchen, and convarsing about home and the like-its mighty quare, so it is, how people's hearts turn home, wherever their bodies are-and I said quite quiet, how the roses and woodbine and things that way covered over the cottages in Bannow; and how the landlords lived on the soil and by the soil; and how there were no locks on the doors, and nothing but quietness and civility one to another, and the clergyman and priest mighty gracious together; and I was growing she says, saucy enough, “that in Irequite comfortable thinking of my home, land, instead of each person trying to when a slip of a girl (a mighty nate make a little property for themselves, pretty creature, that, if people went by they all go on living on what their the dress, would be called a born lady parents have got; taking away from with us) turns up her nose, and says, the capital, and adding nothing to it; (oh, mother, if you could but hear their just, Paddy, as you eat up all your tongue!)"Mister Paddy," says she- potatoes on Saturday night, without "My name's Terence, if you please, remembering that you could not buy miss," says I, smiling up in her blue any on Sunday." I don't know how eyes, (don't tell Kathleen Carey, by it is, but the more saucy that girl is,

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