and conservative character to British society, must share a common destruction.

As I stated before, the topics are upon the surface, which induce men to range themselves on the one side. Not so those which would induce them to range themselves on the other. The "movement" party aptly designates those who but follow the natural bias of their political temperament, when they recklessly pursue changes having for their object the more complete ascendancy of the democratic principle in all our civil institutions. There are, no doubt, many who are sincerely persuaded that such ascendancy is, abstractedly, desirable; and who, therefore, must be allowed to be actuated by honest motives in the course which they pursue; but the great strength, nevertheless, of that party consists in its adherents of doubtful principle; of men who intend one thing, while they pretend another; of gamblers in the lottery of politics, who are willing to stake the public good for the chance of such a prize as may gratify their personal ambition; of Dissenters, who hate the Church more than they love religion ; of economists, to whom the corn laws are an offence; of infidels, to whom an ecclesiastical establishment is a crying evil; of papists, to whom a reformed Church is an abomination; of republicans, to whom a monarchical form of government must be distasteful. All these are willing to sink their differences, and to conspire for one common object. Now, the views and the motives which would lead men to make a vigorous opposition to this powerful party, do not lie upon the surface, but must be sought out and investigated, in order to be discovered and appreciated. It is not his natural inclination which will lead any one to abjure a large share of popular power, or to deny to the order to which he belongs increased influence in the affairs of the country. He can only be induced thus to act from an enlightened conviction, that, by any other course, the general harmony of society would suffer greater detriment than he or his particular class could reap advantage; and that conviction can only be acquired by a patient study of history, and in attentive observation of human affairs.

Besides, the maintainers and improvers of our institutions must be united upon many points, while those who impuga them need be united but on one. So that there is, in every balanced state, a natural combination, founded upon a kind of instinctive compromise of par ticular differences, always going on against the monarchical and the aristocratical institutions; while it can only be resisted by the desultory efforts of enlightened individuals, who must be always too few and too feeble to countervail their numerous and eager assailants. What then is to be done? Manifestly to form a combination, in which the friends of social order may be able effectually to propagate their convictions. If this be done, they will very soon find that good principles will not long want steady and zealous supporters. There are many, who could never themselves, hit upon ready an swers to the plausibilities of the dema gogue, to whom the proceedings of that character must be odious; and these will readily fall under the influence of those able men by whom his sophistries may be exposed. There are many whose love for the church is strong, but who have not themselves been able to see the fallacies involved in the attacks of its enemies. These will, naturally, be delighted to range themselves under those able champions by whom it may be defended. Thus, a party will be created by whom a popular resistance will be made to measures of a dangerously innovating character; and, without any undue departure from the forms or the usages of a free government, the balance of the constitution may be preserved. Whereas, without it, the overwhelming influence of democracy must be speedily felt; and the government of the country, no matter by whom it may be conducted, will be exposed to a succession of virulent attacks, which must end her in its overthrow or its degradation

The reader will scc at once that this great purpose has been abundantly answered by the Orange institution in Ireland. It has collected and concentrated the loyalty of the country, so that the government were always able to command abundance of assistance, whenever the aid of loyal men was required. This was felt when rebel

Hon raged in 1798. It was also felt in 1803, when the culpable supineness of the Irish executive, almost betrayed the government into the hands of a few contemptible insurgents. I remember well the confusion which prevailed at the Castle, when the Orangemen came from all quarters desiring arms and ammunition, and none were to be found! No; I am wrong. There were discovered, after a diligent search, some muskets, and some few rounds of ball cartridge; but it was found upon trial that the bore of the muskets was too small for the size of the balls!

All this may be allowed; but still it may be contended that the deficiency to which I allude may be better supplied by Conservative associations. I think not; and I think experience is with me. If by conservative associations be meant, those clubs and confederacies to which great political exigencies have given rise, they depend too exclusively upon excitement, to furnish such a steady and permanent counterpoise to the democratic faction as the case requires. It is the nature of most factions to be aggressive; and if, in one shape, it be defeated today, it will be in the field in another shape tomorrow. It possesses a kind of Protean versatility in the multiplicity and variety of the efforts which it makes for the accomplishment of its object. Without, therefore, the most unceasing vigilance, the counter agent will be in vain possessed of powers of the most vigorous resistance. Conservative associations are, I know, capable of sudden and violent efforts, by which a great deal may be done for repressing the audacity of democratic ambition. But they are also liable to be as suddenly remitted; and thus, what was gained at Cannæ may be lost at Capua, and our very security of success may be the cause of our failure, and convert an humbled into a triumphant and insulting enemy. How often have I seen conservative associations arise, and flourish, and decay; leaving no more trace of what they had been, than the skyrocket leaves in the air through which it cleaves its fiery way-as brilliant as noisy, and as evanescent-alike commencing in fire, and alike concluding in smoke! Was it not thus with the Brunswick Society? Was it not thus with the various otuer societies which,

under different names, appeared from time to time, to champion the cause of our menaced institutions? And in thus going, one by one, “to the tomb of all the Capulets," they but shared the fate of every irregular and desultory effort to resist a permanent evil. It may operate as a palliative, but it will not work a cure; and by disguising the malignity of the complaint, may cause the remedy to be deferred until the disease has become desperate.

The evil to be guarded against is, the tendency to continual deterioration which belongs, almost of necessity, to every system of policy in which the democratic element largely prevails. This can never be effectually met by societies which are only called into existence by its occasional extraordinary manifestations. The remedy must be as searching as the disease is deeply seated, and will never be effectual, unless it be persevered in as a sweetener and a preventive long after every apparent symptom has been removed.

Democracy is an encroaching prineiple, which never will rest satisfied with the limits within which it is confined. It must be restrained within them, or it will pass beyond them. Now, this necessitates either constant control, or continual resistance; and, in either case, a spirit must be called into action which will neither slumber nor sleep, so long as the arch enemy is vigilant and wakeful. Otherwise, like Aaron's rod when it became a serpent, it will speedily make an end of all its competitors.

Conservative societies have always seemed to me like the seed sown upon stony places. For a time they appeared to flourish. But they took no root amongst the bulk of the people; and they were consequently doomed to barrenness and decay. But the Orange society did take root amongst the bulk of the people, and its beginnings were not more unpromising than its progress has been extraordinary. It had its origin amongst the humblest of the peasantry, and it now embraces within its association the highest and the noblest in the land. The one depended upon excitement. It could subsist only under the stimulus of extraordinary eloquence, or the provocation of formidable nostuity; and,

upon the withdrawal of either, a collapse was inevitable. The other depended upon principle. It had, as it were, its peace establishment and its war establishment. When the enemy was absent, it was vigilant; when he was present, it was prepared.

Therefore it is, that in my humble judgment, the Orange association is infinitely preferable, for combining all good men in the unity of sound political faith, to any other with which I am acquainted. It is like one of those spontaneous productions which nature furnishes in such abundance where poisons grow, and which are intended as an antidote. Not to speak profanely, I do fervently believe it to have been providentially provided, for the purpose of counteracting evils which the nature of our political position necessitated, and which no human sagacity could have foreseen or averted. It strengthened the hands of the executive when the crown itself was tottering under the assaults of faction; and in the midst of treason, it caused a spring tide of loyalty to set in amongst the people, by which conspirators were dismayed and confounded. When popish bigotry and cruelty, taking advantage of our political insecurity, were about, again, to manifest themselves in their accustomed atrocities and abominations, the Orange institution, like Aaron of old, stood between the living and the dead, and the plague was stayed. It is, therefore, impossible for the wise and good not to feel grateful for services such as these, even as it is impossible for those whose wicked devices were thus frustrated, not to feel hatred for an institution but for which their bloody and destructive projects might long ago have been successful.

And it is melancholy to perceive that gratitude is evanescent, while hatred is eternal. How aptly, at the present day, do O'Connell and Sheil represent the old enmity by which Orangemen were regarded in 1798? But where, at the present day, are we to find any adequate representation of the gratitude of which they were the objects, when they were pronounced the saviours of their country? Alas! Echo answers, "where!" But I do not despond. Far from it. I said I believe the institution to have been providentially designed. That

is, in fact, my ground of hope. I see that it has performed great service for Ireland heretofore. I think that it will still triumph over its secret and its open enemies, and perform still greater service for the British empire.

There is one especial feature of the institution which has called forth the bitterest and the most contemptuous revilings. That is, that every meeting of every lodge is opened and closed with prayer. It is perfectly impossible for any one who has not witnessed it, to conceive the effect which this practice has on the spirit that pervades their deliberations. A degree of seriousness, solemnity, and sanctity, is thus imparted, which more than any thing else has contri buted to keep sacred principle alive, and to feed the vestal flame of loyalty, by which the devoted watchers keep guard at the gate of the constitution. It is no wonder that Mr. Hume should have constructions fastened upon it, as a practice deserving HIS weightiest reprobation-for it is, no doubt, most disagreeable to the master whom he serves; and he were unworthy the distinction that master has enabled him to attain, if he did not bear his decided testimony against it. But not the less, I trust, will it continue to distinguish those whom he has honoured with his vituperation, and who would have reason to feel that they forfeited the Divine favour, if they were so unfortunate as to incur his praise.

The very fact of being able to commence and conclude their meetings in the manner they do, implies the consciousness of a good purpose. He that doeth evil cometh not unto the light, lest his deeds should be reproved; but every one that doeth good cometh to the light, that his deeds may be made manifest that they are wrought in God. These words are not profaned when applied to the feelings and principles of Orangemen, who could not, cherishing any latent evil in their hearts, any envy, hatred, malice, or uncharitableness, use a form of prayer which could only, in such a case, be mockery the most gratuitous and revolting. Supposing them bad men, their meetings are secret meetings, they are not of the character of those which were held in synagogues, or in the corners of streets, where they might have their reward in receiving the praise of men. Each other they

could not deceive, and there was no one else upon whom deception could be possibly practised. Why, then, persevere in an observance, in which hypocrisy was not only profitless but impracticable? The notion is absurd. No sane enemy of the institution could, for a moment, entertain it. It remains, then, that their prayers are uttered in sincerity. And let any one who can read them with an understanding heart, and conceive them in an bonest spirit, judge whether or no those by whom they are habitually adopted, are conscious of rectitude in their intentions.

But these prayers have given offence to Mr. Joseph Hume. The reader will remember that he was scandalized at the acknowledgment of an overruling Providence, and he will not be surprised that the simple piety of the Orangemen fell under his reprobation. But not the less, do I trust, that they will persevere in it; and I desire no other answer to be given to it from on high, than that efficacy which has hitherto attended their labours. It is impossible that it should not serve to impress upon the minds of Orangemen a due sense of their deep and sacred obligations. If there should be offenders found amongst them, (as what so extensive society can be wholly free from them,) let them spare no pains to correct and to reclaim them. And should they prove incorrigible, let them be unhesitatingly cast out from amongst the brethren. Thus alone can they themselves be exempted from reproach. But, if all act in the spirit of those prayers, in which they commend themselves to throne of grace, it is not easy for a Christian man to believe that a divine blessing will not attend them.

This I would not so confidently affirm, if I did not know that the prayers which Orangemen use are equally free from fanaticism and coldness. They are calm and equable, while they are elevating and sublime; and are so well calculated to impress solemn thoughts upon reasonable minds, that I have heard respectable Whig gentlemen, who were only made acquainted with them by Mr. Hume's contemptuous notice of them in parliament, express their astonishment how any one could be found in a

Christian assembly so devoid of proper feeling as to treat them with disrespect, or even to refer to them without reverence.

But, there is another objection to which my favourite institution, and, indeed, all conservative or other societies, may be exposed. It may be contended that it might prove too strong for any government, and even fetter the free deliberations parliament. From what has been already said, the reader must have perceived that there is, already, in existence, a force of faction which has proved too strong for any government which it has as yet encountered, and by which the free deliberation of parliament has been materially restricted. There is a control exercised without, which greatly cripples the liberty of those who are within the House of Commons, and which menaces, with its high displeasure, the House of Lords themselves, if they should prove refractory or disobedient. Now, supposing all societies for the promotion of sound constitutional views perfectly quiescent, are the government able to maintain their position against democratic encroachments? The objection to which I now allude is one that has been urged by Lord Stanley, in his letter to Sir Thomas Hesketh, respecting the Lancashire conservative association. Lord Stanley was the man who was mainly instrumental in passing the reform bill. Without his countenance and support it never would have become the law of the land. Next to Lord Grey, he is responsible for that sweeping measure. Now, if I might presume to take so great a liberty, I would respectfully ask his lordship, what stand was he himself able to make, in the newly modelled House of Commons, in favour of the Irish church? Every one knows the power with which, in the old House of Commons, he defended it. Every one knows the vigour with which he chastised the spoliators who meditated its destruction. Indeed in those days it was not easy to get them to commit themselves so far in their attacks upon it as fairly to justify so strong an imputation. They were like rats which merely show their noses from their holes, well knowing, that by any further exposure, their lives would be endangered. The noble lord, there

fore, in his castigation of Hume and others, had comparatively easy work. The more timid of them hid their diminished heads in his presence, and the more audacious fled, howling. But what is the case, now that the noble lord has pulled up the flood gates of democracy? Have not he and the culprits whom he chastised, almost changed places? Is there now any timid disavowal of the ultimate intention of the partizans of ecclesiastical plunder? Let the prostrate condition of the Irish church answer the question, and the triumphant position of its enemies in parliament. It is only saved from utter destruction by the yet unsubverted or unreformed House of Lords. And yet I will be bold to say, "Si pergama possent defendi," if such an institution could be effectually defended in such an assembly, by no one could it be more powerfully defended than by the noble lord. But he has himself so damaged the condition of that legislative body, that neither he, nor any other wise or honest man, can expect to exercise their proper and legitimate influence amongst the vain, the heady, and the reckless individuals whom it now numbers amongst its members. Until, therefore, Lord Stanley proves, that a constitutional party in the House of Commons are sufficient in themselves to oppose an effectual resistance to the dangerous spirit of innovation which is now abroad, it is too soon to talk of the danger to be apprehended from the Orange or the Conservative Associations. Whatever has as yet been done to resist that spirit, has been done chiefly through their instrumentality; and were it not for them, I doubt, exceedingly, whether, in a very few years, Lord Stanley himself could find his way into parliament.

If the noble lord really wish to do any good, (and I am one of those who most cordially admit his good intentions,) let him address himself to his friends, the radical Whigs. Let him point out the danger of their proceedings to the Birmingham union, the trades political union, the reform association, and the various other political fungi, which the diseased state of the body politic has caused to start into existence. He has a natural claim upon them, seeing how much he has

done for them, and how little, but for him, they could have done either for themselves or against their country,

Let the noble lord expostulate with them, upon the insane violence of their conduct. But will he be listened to with attention or respect? Will any filial or dutiful obedience be manifested by those whom he called into being? The noble lord it was who opened the windows of the heavens, and broke up the foundation of the great deep, until the country was deluged with democracy. Will the waters subside again at his command, and has he the power of confining them to their proper channels, and saying, thus far shalt thou go, and no farther? Mockery and scorn would wait upon the attempt, and the noble lord would soon be made to feel the sort of gratitude to which his protegees considered him entitled. It would remind him of the predicament of Ulysses, in the den of Polyphemus.

No! It is by the Conservative Societies whom Lord Stanley has opposed, that he is supported. It is by the Orangemen of Ireland, whose cha racter he misrepresented, and whose institution he has injured, that he is held in high esteem. They have dif fered from him, and they must continue to differ from him, on many points of great importance. And I shall only add, that if he only knew them as well as they know him, the time, perhaps, is not very distant, when, with one mind and one heart, they would be contending together for all that remains of the constitution.

And this brings me, naturally, to that peculiar condition to which England has been reduced by the reform bill, and which renders it more necessary than ever that the Orange system should be kept up in Ireland. Coleridge well said, respecting her foreign policy of late years, that her insensibility to the disgrace which she has incurred in the eyes of all honest and thinking men, reminded him of a man, who, in consequence of a violent stimulant applied to one part of his body, was uncon scious of injuries done to the other. In fact, while she is, herself, struggling for existence, with a desperate faction, distant interests must be neglected. Now this applies with peculiar force to this country, in which it is the ob