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deluded. But the noble lord deals in cheats and delusions. They are the daily traffic of his invention; and he will continue to play off his cheats on this house, so long as he thinks them necessary to his purpose, and so long as he has money enough at command to bribe gentlemen to pretend that they believe him. But a black and bitter day of reckoning will surely come; and whenever that day comes, I trust I shall be able, by a parliamentary impeachment, to bring upon the heads of the authors of our calamities the punishment they deserve.

BURKE.

SOUTH CAROLINA AND MASSACHUSETTS.

I shall

THE eulogium pronounced on the character of the state of South Carolina, by the honorable gentleman, for her revolutionary and other merits, meets my hearty concurrence. not acknowledge that the honorable member goes before me in regard for whatever of distinguished talent, or distinguished character, South Carolina has produced. I claim part of the honor, I partake in the pride of her great names. I claim them for countrymen, one and all. The Laurenses, the Rutledges, the Pinckneys, the Sumpters, the Marions fame is no more to be hemmed in by state lines, than their talents and patriotism were capable of being circumscribed within the

same narrow limits.

- Americans all—whose

In their day and generation, they served and honored the country, and the whole country, and their renown is of the treasures of the whole country. Him, whose honored name the gentleman himself bears-does he suppose me less capable of gratitude for his patriotism, or sympathy for his sufferings, than instead of South Carolina? eyes had first opened upon the light in Massachusetts, Sir, does he suppose it in his power to exhibit a Carolina name so bright, as to produce envy in my No, sir, increased gratification and delight, rather.

if his

bosom?

Sir, I thank God, that if I am gifted with little of the spirit which is said to be able to raise mortals to the skies, I have yet none, as I trust, of that other spirit which would drag angels

down.

When I shall be found, sir, in my place here in the Senate, or elsewhere, to sneer at public merit, because it happened to spring up beyǝrd the little limits of my own state or neighborhood; when I refuse, for any such cause, or for any cause, the homage due to American talent, to elevated patriotism, to sincere devotion

to liberty and the country; or if I see an uncommon endow ment of heaven-if I see extraordinary capacity and virtue in any son of the South—and if, moved by local prejudice, or gangrened by state jealousy, I get up here to abate the tithe of a hair from his just character and just fame, may my tongue cleave to the roof of my mouth!

WEBSTER

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THE SAME, CONTINUED.

MR. PRESIDENT, I shall enter on no encomium upon Massachusetts- she needs none. There she is behold her and judge for yourselves. There is her history-the world knows it by heart. The past, at least, is secure. There is Boston, and Concord, and Lexington, and Bunker Hill; and there they will remain forever. The bones of her sons, fallen in the great struggle for independence, now lie mingled with the soil of every state, from New England to Georgia; and there they will lie forever.

And, sir, where American liberty raised its first voice, and where its youth was nurtured and sustained, there it still lives, in the strength of its manhood, and full of its original spirit. If discord and disunion shall wound it if party strife and blind ambition shall hawk at and tear it; if folly and madness, if uneasiness under salutary and necessary restraint, shall succeed to separate it from that Union by which alone its existence is made sure, it will stand, in the end, by the side of that cradle in which its infancy was rocked; it will stretch forth its arm with whatever of vigor it may still retain, over the friends who gather round it; and it will fall at last, if fall it must, amid the proudest monuments of its own glory, and on the very spot of its origin.

WEBSTER.

LORD STANHOPE ON NEUTRAL RIGHTS.

THE right honorable members of this house must recollect, that in times of scarcity, our principal relief was derived, first from Poland, next from America. Poland is now shut against us by the influence of our enemy, and shall we also shut against us the ports of America, by our own folly! If, my lords, the

1

ministers are bent on this dreadful alternative, it needs not the spirit of prophecy, neither need we turn over the leaves of fate's eventful volume, to know what will be the consequence. If the Baltic is closed against you, if by the frantic and transient energy of intoxicated rage, you should shut the ports of America on your commerce, whence are you to derive materials and stores for your naval arsenals, if the north of Europe and North America are to refuse us these supplies. Do you not, my lords, plainly discover, for I trust you have not yet to learn, that your enemy has been carrying on a war against your finances and resources. To what seas will you waft your commerce; from whence will your resources be derived, what will become of the greatness and security of England, when our navy, the source of our pride, the source of our strength and wealth, is gone? Are not these serious considerations? Do they not demand your most serious attention? Do they not require your cool and candid discussion? Where is the minister who is the minister that will dare to pollute the ear of majesty with the name of war with America? Why are they not here this day to answer for themselves; to point out to us their future resources? I will now only remark, that as all individuals, whether high or low, poor or rich, are the same in the eye of Almighty God; so nations, whether extremely powerful or weak, whether opulent or poor, should be the same in the contemplation of the law of nations. This, then, my lords, is the principle upon which my mind rests, and upon which I ground the resolution I have now to move, and as I have the pleasing satisfaction to see every attention paid to the few serious and searching remarks that I have just made-I move, my lords, that this day, in the presence of God and man, it be resolved that the principle upon which we shall art toward independent nations at peace with the British government, shall be a principle of perfect equality and complete reciprocity.

CHATHAM ON THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION.

I CANNOT, my lords, I will not join in congratulation on mie fortune and disgrace. This, my lords, is a perilous and tremendous moment: it is not a time for adulation: the smoothness of flattery cannot save us in this rugged and awful crisis. It is now necessary to instruct the throne, in the language of TRUTH. must, if possible, dispel the delusion and darkness which envelop it; and display, in its full danger and genuine colors, the ruin

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which is brought to our doors. Can ministers still presume to
expect support in their infatuation? Can parliament be so dead
to its dignity and duty as to give their support to measures
thus obtruded and forced upon them measures, my lords,
which have reduced this late flourishing empire to scorn and con-
tempt. But yesterday, "and England might have stood against
the world NOW, none so poor to do her reverence.'
The peo-
ple we at first despised as rebels, but whom we now acknowledge
as enemies, are abetted against you, supplied with every military
store, their interests consulted, and their embassadors entertained
by your inveterate enemy; and our ministers do not, and dare
not, interpose with dignity or effect. The desperate state of our
army abroad is in part known. No man more highly esteems
and honors the English troops than I do: I know their virtue
and their valor: I know they can achieve anything except
impossibilities; and I know that the conquest of English
America is an impossibility. You cannot, my lords, you CAN-
NOT Conquer America. What is your present situation there?

We do not know the worst, but we know that in three cam-
paigns we have done nothing, and suffered much. You may
swell every expense, and strain every effort, accumulate every
assistance, and extend your traffic to the shambles of every
German despot; your attempts forever will be vain and impo-
tent; doubly so indeed from this mercenary aid on which you
rely; for it irritates to an incurable resentment the minds of
your adversaries to overrun them with the mercenary sons of
rapine and plunder, devoting them and their possessions to the
rapacity of hireling cruelty. If I were an American, as I am an
Englishman, while a foreign troop was landed in my country, I
never would lay down my arms — NEVER! NEVER! NEVER!

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THE SAME, CONTINUED.

My lords, who is the man, that in addition to the disgraces and mischiefs of war, has dared to authorize and associate to our arms the tomahawk and scalping knife of the savage-to call into civilized alliance the wild and inhuman inhabitant of the woods?

to delegate to the merciless Indian the defense of disputed rights, and to wage the horrors of his barbarous war against our brethren? My lords, these enormities cry aloud for redress and punishment. Familiarized to the horrid scenes of savage cruelty, our army can no longer boast of the noble and generous princi

ples which dignify a soldier. No longer are their feelings awake to "the pride, pomp and circumstance of GLORIOUS war;" but the sense of honor is degraded into a vile spirit of plunder, and the systematic practice of murder. From the ancient connection between Great Britain and her colonies, both parties derived the most important advantage. While the shield of our protection was extended over America, she was the fountain of our wealth, the nerve of our strength, the basis of our power. It is not, my lords, a wild and lawless bantitti whom we oppose; the resistance of America is the struggle of free and virtuous patriots. Let us then seize with eagerness the present moment of reconciliation. America has not yet finally given herself up to France; there yet remains a possibility of escape from the fatal effect of our delusions. In this complicated crisis of danger, weakness, and calamity, terrified and insulted by the neighboring powers, unable to act in America, or acting only to be destroyed, WHERE is the man who will venture to flatter us with the hope of success from the perseverance in measures productive of these dire effects? WHO has the effrontery to attempt it? Where is that man? Let him, if he Dare, stand forward and show his face. You cannot conciliate America by your present measures: you cannot subdue her by your present or any measures. What then can you do? You cannot conquer, you cannot gain; but you can ADDRESS the king. Yes, my lords, since they have neither sagacity to foresee, nor justice, nor humanity to shun those calamities-since not even bitter experience can make them feel, nor the imminent ruin of their country awaken them from their stupefaction, the guardian care of parliament must interpose.

THE IRISH DISTURBANCE BILL.

I Do not rise to fawn or cringe to this house; I do not rise to supplicate you to be merciful toward the nation to which I belong-toward a nation which, though subject to England, yet is distinct from it. It is a distinct nation: it has been treated as such by this country, as may be proved by history, and by seven hundred years of tyranny. I call upon this house, as you value the liberty of England, not to allow the present nefarious bill to pass. In it are involved the liberties of England, the liberty of the press, and of every other institution dear to Englishmen.

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