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THE CONFEDERATE CABINET AND
President JEFFERSON DAVIS, of Mississippi.
FIRST REGULAR CONGRESS-SENATE.
Congress met at Richmond, on the 2d Monday in Jan., 1863. A. H. STEPHENS, of Georgia, President.
R. M. T. HUNTER, of Virginia, President pro tem.
1 W. M. Cooke,
NORTH CAROLINA. 1 Wm. H. N. Smith, 2 Robert R. Bridgers, 3 Owen R. Keenan, 4 T. D. M. Dowell, 5 Thomas S. Ashe, 6 A. H. Arlington, 7 Robert Lander, 8 William Lander, 9 Burgess S. Gaither, 10 A. T. Davidson.
1 John McQueen,
4 Milledge L. Bonham,
1 Joseph T. Heiskell, 2 William G. Swan, 3 W. B. Tobbs,
4 E. L. Gardenshire, 5 Henry S. Foote, 6 Meredith P. Gentry, 7 George W. Jones, 8 Thomas Meneese, 9 J. D. C. Atkins, 10 John V. Wright, 11 David M. Currin.
1 John A. Wilcox, 2 C. C. Herbert, 3 Peter W. Gray, 4 B. F. Sexton, 5 M. D. Graham, 6 W. B. Vaughn.
1 M. R. H. Garnett, 2 John R. Chambliss, 3 James Lyons, 4 Roger A. Pryor, 5 Thomas S. Bocock, 6 John Goode, jr, 7 J. P. Hencombe, 8 D. C. De Jarnette, 9 William Smith, 10 A. R. Boteler, 11 John R. Baldwin, 12 Waller R. Staples, 13 Walter Preston, 14 Samuel A. Miller, 15 Robert Johnston, 16 Charles W. Russell.
INAUGURAL ADDRESS OF JÊFFERSON DAVIS.
Gentlemen of the Congress of the Confederate States of America, Friends and Fellow-Citizens:
Called to the difficult and responsible station of Chief Executive of the Provisional Government which you have instituted, I approach the discharge of the duties assigned me with an humble distrust of my abilities, but with a sustaining confidence in the wisdom of those who are to guide and aid me in the administration of public affairs, and an abiding faith in the virtue and patriotism of the people. Looking forward to the speedy establishment of a permanent government to take the place of this, and which by its greater moral and physical power will be better able to combat with the many difficulties which arise from the conflicting interests of separate nations, I enter upon the duties of the office to which I have been chosen, with the hope that the beginning of our career as a confederacy may not be
obstructed by hostile opposition to our enjoyment of the separate existence and independence which we have asserted, and which, with the blessing of Providence, we intend to maintain.
Our present condition, achieved in a manner unprecedented in the history of nations, illustrates the American idea that governments rest upon the consent of the governed, and that it is the right of the people to alter and abolish governments whenever they become destructive to the ends for which they were established. The declared compact of the Union from which we have withdrawn was to establish justice, ensure domestic tranquillity, provide for the common defence, promote the general welfare, and secure the blessings of liberty to ourselves and our posterity; and when in the judgment of the sovereign States now composing this Confederacy, it has been perverted from the purposes for which it was ordained, and ceased to answer the ends for which it was established, a peaceful appeal to the ballot-box declared that, so far as they were concerned, the government created by that compact should cease to exist. In this they merely asserted the right which the Declaration of Independence of 1776 defined to be inalienable. Of the time and occasion of its exercise they as sovereigns were the final judges, each for itself. The impartial, enlight