affected lisp and drawling nonchalance of the London cockney, or you may learn to wield the Herculean club of Dr. Johnson. You may skim the surface of science, or fathom its depths. You may become florid declaimers or cloud-compelling reasoners. You may dwindle into political ephemera, or plume your wings for immortality with Franklin, Hamilton, Jay, Jefferson, the Adamses, and a host of living worthies. You may become dissolute voluptuaries and debauchees, and perish in disgrace, or you may climb the steeps of glory, and have your names given, by the trumpet of Fame, to the four quarters of the globe. In short, you may become a disgrace and a reproach to this institution, or her proudest boast and honor; you may make yourselves the shame or the ornament of your families, and a curse or a blessing to your country.1 Address at Rutgers College, 1830. ROBERT TREAT PAINE, 1773-1811. ROBERT TREAT PAINE, son of the Hon. R. Treat Paine, one of the signers of the Declaration of Independence, was born in Taunton, Massachusetts, December 9, 1773. He entered Harvard College in 1788, and graduated with high honor in 1792, delivering an English poem on The Nature and Progress of Liberty. For some years after, he had no fixed employment, but sustained himself chiefly by his pen, writing prologues for the theatre, and poems and editorials for the newspapers. In June, 1798, at the request of the " Massachusetts Charitable Fire Society," soon to celebrate its anniversary, he wrote his celebrated political song of Adams and Liberty. Political excitement ran very high at the time; for, as the French, whom the anti-Federalists of the day much favored, had behaved towards us in a very insulting manner, it was thought by many that a war would result. But happily this was averted by the firmness of President Adams, whose course Washington himself so much approved, that he consented, if it should become necessary, once more to take the command of the army. In 1799, Paine entered the law-office of Judge Parsons, at Newburyport, and in 1802 was admitted to the bar; but, though for a short time he gave promise of 1 We have remarked of Wirt that his life is peculiarly fraught with materials for the edification of youth. His career is full of wholesome teaching to the young votary who strives for the renown of an honorable ambition. Its difficulties and impediments, its temptations and trials, its triumphs over many obstacles, its rewards, both in the self-approving judgment of his own heart and in the success won by patient labor and well-directed study, and the final consummation of his hopes, in an old age not less adorned by the applause of good men than by the serene and cheerful temper inspired by a devout Christian faith,-all these present a type of human progress worthy of the imitation of the young and gifted, in which they may find the most powerful incentives towards the accomplishment of the noblest ends of a generous love of fame."-Kennedy's Life. great eminence in his profession, he soon relaxed into his former indolent habits, living from year to year on a very precarious support, and died on the 11th of November, 1811, leaving a wife and two children entirely destitute. His father, however, took them to his house, and made liberal provision for them. His works in prose and verse were collected, two years after his death, in one octavo volume of 464 pages, and were highly lauded at the time. Of all his writings, however, none are now read but his celebrated political song of ADAMS AND LIBERTY. Ye sons of Columbia, who bravely have fought For those rights which unstain'd from your sires had descended, With the glory of Rome and the wisdom of Greece; While the earth bears a plant, or the sea rolls its waves. In a clime whose rich vales feed the marts of the world, Let your cannon declare the free charter of trade. The fame of our arms, of our laws the mild sway, Till the dark clouds of faction obscured our young day, Who their country have sold, And barter'd their God for his image in gold, While France her huge limbs bathes recumbent in blood, Yet the boon we disclaim, If bought by our sovereignty, justice, or fame. 'Tis the fire of the flint, each American warms; To our laws we're allied, No foe can subdue us, no faction divide. For ne'er shall the sons, &c. Our mountains are crown'd with imperial oak; Whose roots, like our liberties, ages have nourish'd; Not a tree shall be left on the field where it flourish'd. Every grove would descend From the hill-tops they shaded, our shores to defend. Let our patriots destroy Anarch's pestilent worm; Though their fleets bridge the main, For our altars and laws with our lives we'll maintain. Should the Tempest of War overshadow our land, Of its scabbard would leap, And conduct, with its point, every flash to the deep! Let Fame to the world sound America's voice; No intrigues can her sons from their government sever; Like Leonidas' band, And swear to the God of the ocean and land, That ne'er shall the sons of Columbia be slaves, While the earth bears a plant, or the sea rolls its waves. WILLIAM SULLIVAN, 1774-1839. JOHN SULLIVAN, a gentleman of liberal education and of cultivated manners, came to this country from Ireland about the year 1730, and settled in Berwick, Maine. He left two sons, George and James. James entered the legal profession, and became Governor of Massachusetts. He died in 1808, leaving five sons and 1 The following anecdote is related of this ode:-Paine had written all he intended, and, being at the house of Major Russell, the editor of the "Boston Centinel," showed him the verses. They were highly approved, but pronounced imperfect, as the name of Washington was omitted. Paine was just then on the point of helping himself to some of the drinks upon the sideboard, when Major Russell pleasantly interposed, and said that he must take nothing till he had written a stanza introducing the name of Washington. Paine walked back and forth a few minutes, when he suddenly called for a pen, and immediately wrote this brilliant stanza, second to none in the ode. one daughter. The second of these sons, William, the subject of this notice, was born at Saco, Maine, on the 12th of November, 1774, graduated at Harvard in 1792, and was admitted to the bar in 1795. He devoted himself assiduously to his profession, and became eminently successful in it, enjoying, from his unsullied purity and integrity of character, the highest confidence of his fellowcitizens. About the time of his entering upon his professional career, the country was divided into two great political parties,-the "Federalists" and the “Republicans,” -whose zeal for their respective causes engendered the bitterest feelings of animosity. Mr. Sullivan early took sides with the Federalists, became a prominent member of the party, and was consequently brought in contact with all its leading and best men. He early visited Philadelphia, and enjoyed the friendship of Washington and many others who subsequently rose to the highest distinction in the country. Though for many years Mr. Sullivan's time was much engrossed by his professional duties, he never gave up entirely his literary pursuits; and so strong was his attachment to letters, that during the last ten years of his life be declined all professional engagements, devoting himself, with great ardor, from twelve to fourteen hours daily, to studies chiefly pertaining to history and moral philosophy. But his intense application without sufficient exercise undermined his constitution, and he died on the 3d of September, 1839, aged sixtyfour years. Mr. Sullivan's publications, besides his occasional Addresses and Essays, were,— 1. The Political Class-Book: intended to instruct the Higher Classes in Schools in the Origin, Nature, and Use of Political Power: 2. The Moral Class-Book, or the Law of Morals: 3. Historical Class-Book; containing sketches of ancient history to the end of the Western Roman Empire, 476 A.D.: 4. Historical Causes and Effects from the Fall of the Roman Empire, 476, to the Reformation, 1517. These are all admirable works for schools, full of sound instruction, and pervaded by a pure moral tone that cannot fail to exert a happy influence on the youthful mind. But the work most likely to perpetuate his name is the volume entitled The Public Men of the Revolution; including Events from the Peace of 1783 to the Peace of 1815 in a Series of Letters. This is a work which all should read who desire an accurate acquaintance with these eventful times, and to learn those stern facts which too many of our historians, for the sake of popularity, have cautiously avoided. THE "FEDERALISTS." The intelligent and honest men who hazarded their lives in the field, or councils, or in both, to free this country from the monarchy and tyranny of Great Britain; the men who united to form for thirteen free, sovereign, and independent States an elective, national, republican government; the men who thus resisted English monarchy and tyranny, and who thus formed this republican and national union, were FEDERALISTS. The President of the convention which framed this constitution must have been well informed, by the discussions which he heard, of the true meaning and practical application of every sentence and phrase in that instrument. He was the first President of the United States, selected to execute the powers which that instrument conferred. The Senate and House of Representatives were composed of men, many of whom had been zealous patriots throughout the Revolutionary struggle, and most of whom had been members of the national or state conventions, or who were otherwise informed of the true meaning and intent of the constitution. The first Vice-President was a man who had devoted himself to the cause of the Revolution, and who may be said to have stood second to no one in efforts, as a civilian, to free the country from foreign dominion, and to enable it to govern itself as a republic. The President, the Vice-President, and a large majority of both branches of Congress, were FEDE RALISTS. This new form of government was organized. All the various powers delegated by the constitution were defined by wise laws, and carried into effect. The whole country arose, almost miraculously, from a state of confusion, despondency, idleness, and imminent peril, to one of peace, confidence, industry, security, and unexampled prosperity. The wreck and ruin which the Revolutionary struggle brought on, both of private and public credit, disappeared; and all the benefits, which those who led the country through the Revolution had desired or imagined, were fully realized. The people of the United States, in their new and flourishing republic, took their place among the nations of the earth. This was the achievement of FEDERALISTS. In the first twelve years of the national administration, the wars of Europe hazarded the peace of the United States. The aggressions of the belligerents, the insolent and seductive character of French enthusiasm, secret combinations, and claims for gratitude (to revolutionary France) called for all the firmness, wisdom, and personal influence of WASHINGTON, and for the best exertions of his political associates, to save the United States from the loss of all the benefits which had been acquired by previous toils and sacrifices. Compensation for wrongs was amicably made by one of the belligerents, and a treaty, highly beneficial and honorable, was negotiated and ratified. With another, peace and compensation were sought, and insolently denied; all connection by treaty was annulled; the attitude of war was assumed; and then the rights of the country were immediately recognised even by fraudulent and unprincipled France. The prosperity of the country and the benefits of enriching neutrality were secured, amidst all the desolating conflicts of Europe. This was the work of FEDERALISTS. |