The Vice-president of the Italian Republic to his Fellow Citizens.

Milan, April 1, 1802. THE definitive peace between France, England, Spain, and the Batavian republic, was solemnly signed on the 25th of March. The treaty of Luneville had already secured continental peace; that of Amiens secures maritime peace. Those disastrous resentments, which for so long a time divided and distracted nations, are at last extinguished.

The peace proclaimed is general. The treaty of Amiens shall tell posterity, that if Bonaparté was great by his valour, he was so no less by his wisdom. Let us therefore rejoice, fellow-citizens, we to whom that great man peculiarly belongs by so many titles, the founder of our liberty, the restorer, the support, and the guide of our republic. Is not his glory the pledge of our independence? and to whom can his name and his glory he dearer than to us? Let us therefore rejoice and take courage; let us put an end to the fatal uncertainties which hitherto have kept opinions divided, and sentiments suppressed.

No, our destiny is no longer uncertain it no longer depends, except on ourselves. Prosperity, security in the interior, independence, and consequence abroad; all is in our power, if we will it. Let us therefore will it boldly, and I swear to you that our country shall be happy and powerful. But to consolidate the unity and the force of a state composed of discordant and divided parts; to create a strict and pure administration amidst the enormous corruption which weighs down this country; to confirm the grandeur and prosperity of a

people just emerging from the disasters of revolution, of conquest, and of war; this is not the work of one man or of one day.

That great work cannot be accomplished without the union of wills, firm, constant, and directed to good; without the concurrence of the efforts of all the good and virtuous. The pretexts of malice, the excuses of timidity, shall no longer be admitted; to hesitate, to prefer one's own personal advantage to the service of the public, is a crime, when the country calls the good to labour in repairing past disasters, and securing future happiness.

To how many misfortunes shall he be exposed, to how much remorse shall be condemned such of his children as shall not hearken to her voice. Far be from us the thought, that the Italians can cover themselves with such disgrace. Nothing, in spite of the greatest diffiulties, was ever impossible to them. They were seen trying every expedient, when any thing regarded the interests of their children, their families, or their country.

If the love of one's country was always a fruitful source of magnanimous enterprises, what ought we to hope, we who are to receive, as the reward of our services, not only to serve, but to create a country?

Let us, therefore, fellow-citizens, be impressed with our high destiny; and while we prepare ourselves to fulfil its difficult obligations, let us not cease to repeat, with a sentiment of the most profound gratitude, glory and honour to those immortal phalanxes who have procured peace to the world.

Melzi. Guiccardi, Counsellor of state. The

sequence of the French revolution. In order, therefore, that no doubt may remain in the mind of your holiness, as to my intentions, I sincerely declare that I freely abandon what is called the civil constitution of the clergy; that I adınit, and will admit, that I profess, and will profess, the dispositions and articles of the new convention made between your holiness and the French government, and that I will render true obedience to your holiness and your successors. I pray that your holiness will consider this as my invariable resolution, that you will regard me as one of the most obedient sons of the church, and that you will deign to grant me that canoni cal institution which I humbly request. I also humbly request your holiness's apostolic benediction, as a precious pledge of christian charity towards me.

Decree of Absolution and Dispensation granted by the Cardinal Legate to those of the new French Bishops who, without the Apostolic Institution of the Holy See, have occupied Episcopal Sees.

To Claude François-Marie Primat, formerly occupying the see of Cambray, now that of Lyons; to Jean-Claude le Blanc De Beaulieu, occupying the see of Rouen; to Jean François Perrier, commonly called bishop of Puy-de-Dôme; to Claude Lecoz, occupying the see of Rennes; and to Jean Baptiste Saurin, commonly called bishop of Landes; is expedited a form of grace subscribed by his eminence the cardinal legate, and sealed with his seal, which decree will be sent to each of them, by the most reverend the bishop of Orleans, and of which they will signify their re

ception,

ception, and that they will conform

to it.

We, Jean-Baptiste Caprara, cardinal priest of the holy Roman church, of the title of saint Onuphre, legate à Latere from our holy father pope Pius VII. and the holy see, to the first consul of the French republic; seeing that the reverend N. N. [here insert the name, surname, and archiepiscopal or episcopal sce] bas abandoned the episcopal see which he had occupied without the institution of the holy see, and that he has entirely renounced the government of that church, and that moreover he has promised obedience and due submission to the sovereign pontifi, and that he has declared that he will adhere and submit to the judgments which the holy see shall pronounce respecting the ecclesiastical affairs of France, we, in quality of legate à Latere of his holiness and the holy see, by virtue of the apostolic authority which has been specially and expressly conferred upon us, do absolve the said N. N. who adheres to the unity of the catholic church, and do declare him absolved in utroque foro from all sentence, censure, and ccclesiastical penalty whatsoever, so far as the same can be pronounced by men, which he may have incurred, imposing upon him as a penance that he recite once the seven penitential psalms, and considering him as obliged to preserve with sedulous care unity and peace. Given at Paris, April 4, 1802.

Proclamation of the Government of the Bishopric of Munster on the Entrance of the Prussian Troops into that Country, July 27, 1802.

TE, grand dean and canon of the

cathedral of Munster, vested with the sovereign authority, &c. The sovereign chapter, in taking the reins of government, has had no other object in view but the hap piness of the inhabitants; and it presumes to flatter itself, that every body being convinced of this truth will repose unlimited confidence ia the advice and orders of the sovereign chapter. Strong in this conviction, it orders the inhabitants of whatever rank soever to comport themselves tranquilly upon the entrance of the Prussian troops, to give a good reception to the soldiers, who shall be billetted upon them, to prevent their wants, to abstain from all political reflections, and not to take the law into their own handsy in cases where any difficulties may arise between the inhabitants and the soldiers; but to carry their complaints, without delay, either before the civil officers, or the military officers, and to refer them to their judgment; and in case they shail not think justice done them by such judgment, to prefer new complaints to a superior officer, and in no case to take the proceedings in their own hands. Upon conforming himself strictly to this procla nation, every inhabitant shall enjoy peace and tranquillity; but on departing from it he may expect to be punished by his superiors. The sovereign chapter, bound by its duty, and the love it bears the inhabitants, to make this proclamation public, will not neglect to use extreme vigilance, to procure for them solid and

durable

durable happiness. In order that the present proclamation may be made known to all the inhabitants, it shall be printed and read from the pulpit, posted up in every convenient place, and a copy sent to all the authorities.

Given at Munster, July 14, 1802.
(Signed)

Egelbert De Weelde, and
De Melohede.

Full Powers of the Empire for the Deputation, charged with the Discussion of the Points which remain yet to be regulated for the fulfilment of the Peace.

THE electors, princes, and states

of the holy Roman empire having judged it suitable to exercise, by an extraordinary deputation, the right which belongs to them, of discussing those objects which yet remain to be regulated for the fulfilment of the peace, and having for this purpose chosen and appointed in the college of electors, Mayence, Bohemia, Saxony, and Brandenburgh, and in that of princes, Bavaria, the grand master of the teutonic order, Wurtemburg, and Hesse Cassel; the said states deputed are fully authorized by these presents, in the name of the Germanic body, and with the consent of his imperial majesty, in his quality of supreme chief of the empire, to send forthwith their sub-delegates to the imperial city of Ratisbon, which has been regarded as the most suitable place, there to examine, discuss, and regulate with the imperial minister plenipotentiary, in concert with the French government (having regard to the conclusum of the 2d of October last, ratified by his

imperial majesty), the points reserved by the 5th and 7th articles of the treaty of Luneville, for a particular convention.

In consequence, whatever shall be deliberated upon, concluded and sigued by the said deputies, either by all of them, or in case of the absence, sickness, or non-appearance of some of them, by those that remain with the said imperial minister, shall be, within a determined period, ratified and agreed to, and shall be inviolably kept by the whole empire.

Ratisbon, August 3, 1802.

Report made to the First Consul of France, in the Senate, by the Minister for Foreign Affairs, Sitting of Saturday the 21st of Au gust 1802, stating the Conclusum on the German Indemnities.

HE treaty of Luneville had pro

THE

duced the complete reestablishment of peace between France and Germany. It had, in an express and definitive manner, regulated the general relations between the two countries; and France being satisfied in every point, the entire execution of the treaty would not have required any ulterior regulation, had it not been acknowledged as just, and stipulated in due form, that the cession consented to by the empire, for the advantages of the republic, should be borne collectively by the Germanic league; admitting, nevertheless, the distinction between hereditary laic princes and ecclesiastical princes possessing only a life-rent interest.

This principle being once established, it appeared that it belonged to the Germanic body to occupy itself,

spon

spontaneously, and without delay, with the mode of its application.

The sincere desire of the French government, solely intent upon its internal affairs, was to take no concern in the adjustment of the promised indemnifications; and it confined its influence merely to repeated declarations that it was anxious to see the treaty of Luneville carried into complete execution by that of the 7th article. But its exhortations remain without effect, and more than a year elapsed without the least appearance of any plan being even commenced for the repartition of the compensations.

The non-execution of one of the principal stipulations of the treaty of Luneville left all Germany in a state of uncertainty, which became daily more embarrassing, inasmuch as pretensions and intrigues were forming and acquiring strength in proportion as the state of the public mind and public affairs exhibited more indecision. The kind of dissolution which affected the Germanic body, retarded the advantages of the peace to all Europe, and might in some respects endanger the general tranquillity. The government of the republic was not the only one impressed with this danger; and whilst it received from all quarters the applications of the parties interested in the repartition of the compensations, the court of Russia testined how urgent it was in its estimation, that the affairs of Germany should be brought to an adjustment. The emperor Alexander, on his accession to the throne, felt the noble desire of contributing to maintain the peace which had been reestablished; and an intimate concert, a frank and complete association of the most

generous views, having promptly taken place between the first consul and the emperor, it was felt by them that the pacification of the continent could not be solidly guarantied, but by carrying the treaty of Luneville into execution; and that this execution could not be accomplished but by the initiative and influence of the two powers perfectly disinterested, whose preponderate mediation might remove all the obstacles which had arisen in the course of eighteen months against the definitive repartition of the indemnities.

It was, therefore, solely for the purpose of sealing the pacification of Europe, and guarantying its stability, that the first consul, and his majesty the emperor of Russia, determined, by common consent, to interfere in the affairs of Germany, to effect by their mediation, what would in vain have been expected from the internal deliberations of the Germanic body.

This first point being agreed upon, a discussion was opened, and continued between the two cabinets, to ascertain the ways and means which should lead to the desired result. It was resolved, that a general plan of indemnification should be presented to the diet; and in digesting this plan the most scrupulous attention was, on both sides, paid to the means of compensating every loss, satisfying every interest, and incessantly conciliating the demands of justice with political expediency.

It was not, in fact, sufficient to ascertain the strict value of the losses sustained, and to proportion the compensations accordingly: the effects of the war having changed the eternal equilibrium of Ger

many,