THE

ECLECTIC REVIEW,

FOR OCTOBER, 1832.

Art. I.-1. The Ecclesiastical Polity and other Works of Richard Hooker with his Life by Izaak Walton, and Strype's Interpolations. To which are now first added, The "Christian Letter' to Mr. Hooker; and Dr. Covel's "Just and Temperate Defence in Reply to it: accompanied by an Introduction, a Life of Thomas Cartwright, B.D., and numerous Notes, by Benjamin Hanbury. In three Volumes. 8vo. pp. cevi, 1431. (Portrait.) Price 11. 11s. 6d. London, 1830.

2. Two Letters, by "Fiat Justitia," Author of a Letter to the Hon. and Rev. Baptist W. Noel; in Reply, the First to a Churchman, who condemns him for going too far; the Second, to a Dissenter, who expostulates with him for not going far enough. With an Appendix, containing a Letter from the Hon. and Rev. B. W. Noel, with Observations upon it; Remarks on the Unity of the Church; Church Communion; Ecclesiastical Endowments; Theory and Practice of Independency, &c. &c. concluding with Hints on Church Reform, as applicable to Congregationalists. 8vo. pp. 121. Price 2s. 6d. London, 1832.

3. A Model of non-secular Episcopacy: including Reasons for the Establishment of Ninety-four Bishopricks in England and Wales. By the Rev. Thomas Šims, M.A. formerly of Queen's College, Cambridge; Author of "Christian Records," &c. &c. 8vo. pp. 24. Price 1s. London, 1832.

4. An Address to the Dissenters of England on the Subject of Tithes. By a Dissenter. 8vo. pp. 24. Price 1s. London, 1832.

5. The Protestant Dissenter's Catechism. The Twentieth Edition: with an Appendix and a Preface, by William Newman, D.D. 12mo. London, 1831.

To them that seek (as they term it) the reformation of laws and orders ecclesiastical in the Church of England,' Richard Hooker, the judicious Hooker,' in the preface to his

VOL. VIII.-N.S.

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great work, addresses the following advice and rebuke. Be it that there are some reasons inducing you to think hardly of our laws; are those reasons demonstrative, are they necessary, or 'but mere probabilities only? An argument necessary and demonstrative is such as being proposed to any man, and understood, the mind cannot choose but inwardly assent. Any one 'such reason dischargeth, I grant, the conscience, and setteth it at full liberty. For the public approbation given by the body ' of this whole Church unto those things which are established, 'doth make it but probable that they are good; and therefore unto a necessary proof that they are not good, it must give place. But if the skilfullest amongst you can shew that all the books ye have hitherto written be able to afford any one argument of this nature, let the instance be given. As for pro'babilities, what thing was there ever set down so agreeable with 'sound reason, but some probable shew against it might be made? Is it meet, that when publicly things are received, and have 'taken place, general obedience thereunto should cease to be 'exacted, in case this or that private person, led with some probable 'conceit, should make open protestation, I Peter or John dis' allow them, and pronounce them nought? In which case your answer will be, that concerning the Laws of our Church, they are not only condemned in "the opinion of a private man, but ' of thousands," yea, and even "of those amongst which divers ' are in public charge and authority." As though when public consent of the whole hath established any thing, every man's 'judgement, being thereunto compared, were not private, howsoever his calling be to some kind of public charge. So that of peace and quietness there is not any way possible, unless the probable voice of every intire society or body politic overrule all private of like nature in the same body. Which thing effectually proveth, that God, being author of peace and not of confusion in the Church, must needs be author of those men's peace'able resolutions, who, concerning these things, have determined 'with themselves to think and do as the Church they are of decreeth, till they see necessary cause enforcing them to the 'contrary.'

In the Dedication to Archbishop Whitgift, this loyal Churchman takes a loftier flight. As" by the sword of God and 'Gideon was sometime the cry of the people Israel, so it might deservedly be at this day the joyful song of innumerable multitudes, yea, the emblem of some estates and dominions in the world, and (which must be eternally confest even with tears of thankfulness) the true inscription, style, or title of all Churches as yet standing within this realm, " By the goodness ' of Almighty God, and his servant Elizabeth, we are ""

The most expressive comment that can be offered upon the

6

general argument in the preceding extract, is supplied by Mr. Hallam. It is well known,' he remarks, that the Preface to 'the Ecclesiastical Polity was one of the two books to which 'James II. ascribed his return into the fold of Rome; and it is not difficult to perceive by what course of reasoning on the positions it contains, this was effected. When the first four books appeared, Cardinal Allen and Dr. Stapleton were so much delighted with them as to invite the attention of the Pope (Clement VIII.) to this masterly production of a poor obscure English priest.' Nor was his Holiness less pleased with the perusal. This man indeed deserves the name of an author,' was the papal encomium. Hooker was in fact, a true Guelf, an advocate at once of civil liberty and ecclesiastical despotism. It is true, he contends for the royal supremacy in place of the papal; that is, he maintains the national point of honour, a domestic pope, instead of a foreign one; but he stipulates with equal explicitness for the independent authority and inalienable rights of the Church. To live by one man's law,' he remarks, is the cause of all men's misery;' and utterly without our consent we are at the command of no man living.'' Every 'nation or collective multitude has naturally no superior under 'God.' And again: And again: Laws they are not, which public ap'probation has not made so.' Mr. Locke's Essay on Government is avowedly built upon the constitutional principles of civil liberty laid down in the Ecclesiastical Polity, to which work he continually refers. Yet, when Hooker comes to speak of the authority of the Church, forgetting all his better principles +, he becomes the advocate of as pure a despotism as that of either Rome or Turkey. To the more than maternal power of the 'Church,' he attributes prerogatives far more absolute than, in civil matters, he was willing to concede to the majesty of the Crown itself. That which the Church, by her ecclesiastical authority, shall publicly think and define to be true and good, 'must in congruity of reason overrule all inferior judgements 'whatsoever.'

The radical fallacy of Hooker's reasonings was not perceived at the time, even if it be generally understood now. The right of private judgement in matters of religion, was nearly as little respected by the Puritans, his antagonists, as by the champion

Hallam's Const. Hist. p. 234, n.

The ground of all civil laws is this; no man ought to be hurt or injured by another. Take away this persuasion, and ye take away all the laws.' Such is the golden remark of our Author in his Discourse on Justification (Vol. III. p. 398). Is this the ground of all ecclesiastical laws?

ye

great work, addresses the following advice and rebuke. Be it that there are some reasons inducing you to think hardly of our laws; are those reasons demonstrative, are they necessary, or 'but mere probabilities only? An argument necessary and de'monstrative is such as being proposed to any man, and understood, the mind cannot choose but inwardly assent. Any one such reason dischargeth, I grant, the conscience, and setteth it at full liberty. For the public approbation given by the body ' of this whole Church unto those things which are established, 'doth make it but probable that they are good; and therefore unto a necessary proof that they are not good, it must give ' place. But if the skilfullest amongst you can shew that all the " books have hitherto written be able to afford any one argument of this nature, let the instance be given. As for probabilities, what thing was there ever set down so agreeable with 'sound reason, but some probable shew against it might be made? Is it meet, that when publicly things are received, and have 'taken place, general obedience thereunto should cease to be exacted, in case this or that private person, led with some probable 'conceit, should make open protestation, I Peter or John dis'allow them, and pronounce them nought? In which case your answer will be, that concerning the Laws of our Church, they are not only condemned in "the opinion of a private man, but ' of thousands," yea, and even " of those amongst which divers are in public charge and authority." As though when public 'consent of the whole hath established any thing, every man's 'judgement, being thereunto compared, were not private, howsoever his calling be to some kind of public charge. So that of peace and quietness there is not any way possible, unless the probable voice of every intire society or body politic overrule all private of like nature in the same body. Which thing effectually proveth, that God, being author of peace and not of confusion in the Church, must needs be author of those men's peace'able resolutions, who, concerning these things, have determined 'with themselves to think and do as the Church they are of decreeth, till they see necessary cause enforcing them to the 'contrary.'

66

In the Dedication to Archbishop Whitgift, this loyal Churchman takes a loftier flight. As by the sword of God and 'Gideon" was sometime the cry of the people Israel, so it might 'deservedly be at this day the joyful song of innumerable multitudes, yea, the emblem of some estates and dominions in "the world, and (which must be eternally confest even with tears of thankfulness) the true inscription, style, or title of all Churches as yet standing within this realm, " By the goodness ' of Almighty God, and his servant Elizabeth, we are "."

The most expressive comment that can be offered upon the

6

6

6

general argument in the preceding extract, is supplied by Mr. Hallam. 6 It is well known,' he remarks, that the Preface to 'the Ecclesiastical Polity was one of the two books to which 'James II. ascribed his return into the fold of Rome; and it is not difficult to perceive by what course of reasoning on the positions it contains, this was effected.'* When the first four books appeared, Cardinal Allen and Dr. Stapleton were so much delighted with them as to invite the attention of the Pope (Clement VIII.) to this masterly production of a poor obscure English priest.' Nor was his Holiness less pleased with the perusal. "This man indeed deserves the name of an author,' was the papal encomium. Hooker was in fact, a true Guelf, an advocate at once of civil liberty and ecclesiastical despotism. It is true, he contends for the royal supremacy in place of the papal; that is, he maintains the national point of honour, a domestic pope, instead of a foreign one; but he stipulates with equal explicitness for the independent authority and inalienable rights of the Church. To live by one man's law,' he remarks, is the cause of all men's misery;' and utterly without our consent we are at the command of no man living.' 'Every 'nation or collective multitude has naturally no superior under God.' And again: Laws they are not, which public approbation has not made so.' Mr. Locke's Essay on Government is avowedly built upon the constitutional principles of civil liberty laid down in the Ecclesiastical Polity, to which work he continually refers. Yet, when Hooker comes to speak of the authority of the Church, forgetting all his better principles †, he becomes the advocate of as pure a despotism as that of either Rome or Turkey. To the more than maternal power of the Church,' he attributes prerogatives far more absolute than, in civil matters, he was willing to concede to the majesty of the Crown itself. That which the Church, by her ecclesiastical authority, shall publicly think and define to be true and good, 'must in congruity of reason overrule all inferior judgements 'whatsoever.'

The radical fallacy of Hooker's reasonings was not perceived at the time, even if it be generally understood now. The right of private judgement in matters of religion, was nearly as little respected by the Puritans, his antagonists, as by the champion

*Hallam's Const. Hist. p. 234, n.

+ The ground of all civil laws is this; no man ought to be hurt or injured by another. Take away this persuasion, and ye take away all the laws.' Such is the golden remark of our Author in his Discourse on Justification (Vol. III. p. 398). Is this the ground of all ecclesiastical laws?