"And as suitor," continued Arthur Hammond," to another member of your family-the fair and".

"Yes, my dear brother," chimed in the goddess of wisdom; "he has indeed been so marked in his attentions, that for the sake of my own reputation"

"A capital fellow, and great friend of mine a double first classman of Oxford, who will be happy to finish the dissertation in his own person, he began with you in disguise. Be ing no scholar myself, I referred you always to him-and I hope he answered all your queries satisfactorily."

、

"Then I wish you would give me a hand, for every thing is as dark as pitch," said Sir Wilfred.

"I fear if I have the giving of any hand, it must be my youthful niece's to this young gentleman."

"And Miss Jupp or rather Miss Jupp's papa ?" inquired Sir Wilfred.

"I shall send you a full acquittance on the wedding-day-I will engage for that for as my experiment on my nephew's education has unfortunately failed, I must begin de novo, and shall insist on no time being lost in presenting me with a subject for my experiment; if possible, a boy."

"Why, what is the man talking of? -Do you know what he means, Miss Barbara?" inquired Sir Wilfred, bewildered.

"Not in the least," replied Minerva-" I have been most infamously treated, and have just one question to ask. Pray, sir," she said, going up to Arthur Hammond, "do you wear a grey hat?"

"Yes."

"Send for him," cried Sir Wilfred, and let us have a night of it. All's well that ends well; and since every thing is so nicely settled, I would rather have you for my daughter-in-law than twenty Miss Jupps." So saying, he kissed Mary Hope, and shook hands with Arthur very warmly. "But what's to become of the commission?"" he added.

Arthur shook his head.

"I'll settle that too," said Mr. Hubble-"if you will get it transferred to my nephew George, he can conclude his studies on the peculiarities of the horse-tribe in her Majesty's dragoons. And so let us all to supper; for to-night, in honour of these happy events, I intend to depart from my usual habits, and exchange my cotton night-cap for one of a more cheering kind, And I may take this opportunity, my young friend, to remind you that Anacreon did not write the Georgics. Those immortal productions are the noblest efforts of the bard of Mantua.”

If any one doubts that the supper was delightful, Mr. Hubble intensely eloquent, Sir Wilfred inspired, and Arthur enraptured, we have only to say that we were so informed by the highest authority, namely, our own eyes-and have no reason to doubt the truth of the information-though we have at the same time a sort of dim recollection of two Abraham Slococks, with four candles, lighting us up an infinity of stairs, and at last assisting us to climb into two beds.

THE frequent allusions in the public press to this most interesting and important subject appear to have excited a certain vague and undefined anxiety in the minds of the reflecting and religious portion of the community. Unfortunately, those allusions being themselves generally vague and unsatisfactory, could lead to no other and more practical result. Facts have not been sufficiently brought forward, suspicions and rumours have been substituted for them, and consequently, many who would be prepared, upon discovering real danger, to join in endeavouring to avert it, refrain from all exertions, believing the time of peril still far distant. It is to such persons we desire now to speak, with the view of calmly and temperately stating the true position and prospects of that great semi-political power, which, in former times, enthralled and debased this country. We do not purpose to enter on religious controversy, though we are deeply sensible both of its necessity and utility, nor to unveil to persons who may be already aware of them, those pernicious errors which our Protestant forefathers were wont to call "the soul-destroying heresies of Rome." Our object at present is of a different kind, though it is not, we are convinced, under existing cir. cumstances, of inferior importance. We desire to prove that Popery both at home and abroad is in the possession of immense strength, and has been, and is now marching forward with giant strides to its old ascender cy; and from a proof of these facts, we wish to proceed to an endeavour to arouse all who pretend to zeal for Protestantism, to united and vigorous efforts in the cause which now peculiarly involves the continuance of our civil and religious liberties. To facts, and to facts alone we shall appeal for a confirmation of our statements, and although the information of which we

are in possession is unavoidably less extensive than we could wish, it is still enough to justify alarm and to awaken the public spirit.* If it fail altogether in doing so, we are certain that information, as complete as ever satisfied a jury, would equally fail in reanimating the torpid mind of the people ;-for. proof will then be afforded, that there is an indifference to the principles of Popery, and therefore a carelessness about the degree of its success. We hope, however, better things; we trust that the lamentable apathy hitherto observable, was the result not of growing laxity, but merely of temporary ignorance; and if so, nothing can be requisite to the resto ration of public interest in the Protestant, but a fair and full declaration of the true position of parties in this country.

It is well known that the Roman Catholics of England and Scotland took very little part in the agitation which brought about the act of 1829. After the suppression of the Rebellion in 1715, when so many Roman Catholic families in the north of England were ruined, and when all the others very properly came under the close surveillance of the government, very little indeed was done to disturb the Hanoverian dynasty, save by the de luded but enthusiastic loyalists of the Highlands. But when the bold Rebellion of 1745 was suppressed, as the former had also been, the hopes of the House of Stuart fell altogether, and the Roman Catholics throughout Great Britain became gradually more and more attached to the reigning Sovereigns, and more and more anxious to gain confidence by displaying their loyalty and contentment. Generally, they took very little part in political strife, and were alienated almost equally from both of the great parliamentary parties. When the measure for admitting them to the legislature was

taken up by the Whigs, they for a long time recommended themselves and their claims chiefly by refraining from all violent efforts, and from all participation in those democratic expedients, and that seditious turbulence on which the Irish entirely relied. At the period of the French Revolution, most of the English and Scotch Roman Catholics joined the ranks of the alarmists, and deprecated most strenuously the principles and the practices of their Irish brethren. In many counties, their influence though great was never exerted; in some, it was given to the Tory candidates; they took very little interest however in the contests; they attended Court very little; they participated sparingly in the sports and expenses of other country gentlemen; and thus while their wealth was increasing, their respectability and local influence were increasing also. Times have now altered, The Roman Catholics now see clearly their interest in the success of the liberals, and therefore with very few exceptions,* they have thrown their weight into that scale, and have joined in the projects of Mr. O'Connell for advancement of their political power. How great that weight is in England alone, we wish now before proceeding farther to explain; because it has been much underated, and because from its having been only lately brought into use, it is not generally at all understood.

In the peerage, the Roman Catholics number the Duke of Norfolk, the Earls of Shrewsbury, Fingall, and Newburgh; Lords Petre, Stourton, Stafford, Vaux, Arundel, Clifford, Dormer, and Lovat; besides, among the Scotch and Irish peers who have votes in the election of representatives in the imperial parliament, the Earls of Traquair and Kenmore; Viscounts Gormanston, Southwell, and Frankfort; Lords Trimlestown, Louth, Dunboyne, and French. Of these, especially of the peers of Parliament, we need scarcely add that they include some of the most wealthy, ancient, and influential noblemen in the kingdom.

Among the baronets we find the following Roman Catholics, nearly all of whom may be ranked with the richest of the class to which they belong; Sir C. Throckmorton, Sir J. Gerard, Sir T. Stanley, Sir T. Haggerston Sir E. Blount, Sir H. Hunloke, Sir C. Wolseley, Sir H. Titchborne, Sir Clifford Constable, Sir E. Mostyn, Sir F. Vincent, Sir T. Gage, Sir H. Bedingfield, Sir B. Wrey, Sir J. Lawson, Sir J. Smythe, Sir J. Swinburne, Sir E. Vavasour, &c.; and besides these, there any many barcnets of Ireland and Scotland we might mention, who profess the same religion. Again, in the list of the wealthy landed gentry of England very many are Roman Catholics; and as the following specimens will show to our readers resident in various parts of the country, some of them are among the most powerful proprietors in their respective counties. These names of opulent and ancient families are selected from a much larger catalogue now before us: Salvin, Constable, Maxwell, Mitford, Trafford, Giffard, Plowden, Weld, Silvertop, Blunt, Stonor, Doughty, Charlton, Canning, Eyton, Howard of Corby, Howard of Greystoke, Cary, Chichester, Lang dale, Blundell, Standish, Dalton, Scarisbrick, Hales, Tempest, Wheble, Mornington, Lacy, Bodenham, Wright, Phillips, Digby, Best, Jones of Llawarth, Waterton, Eccleston, Stapleton, Fitzherbert, Riddell, Clavering, Aston, Talbot, Strickland, Rookwood, Walmsley, Eyre, Middleton, Scudamore, Berkley, Towneley, &c. &c. There would be no difficulty in naming several in this list and that of the baronets above, with landed property to the amount of £40,000 a-year, and a few with even larger incomes. It is therefore clear that the Roman Catholics of England, for to these we at present confine ourselves, have at their disposal all the means necessary to secure for their party great political importance and power. Nor are these means entirely neglected. It is true that in the House of Commons the Roman Catholics num

Popery has been advancing not only in wealth and influence, honour and official power; it has been progressing in every other direction, and by every other means. Its proselyting zeal has been rekindled; its Jesuitical arts have been applied; its experience has been brought to bear; it has watched every opportunity of turning the balance between contending political parties; and thus gradually it has gone forward, till its course seems plain, and its path smooth and clear, While Protestants have been quarrelling, or while they have been sleeping, Popery with stealthy steps or by bold manœuvres has been gaining ground, disarming some, deluding others, conquering more, and marching onward to a position, whence it can defy opposition; nay more, can in turn overbear and threaten all. Many have ridiculed the pretence of those who foresaw such encroachment and such a triumph; many even up to the present time have so little heeded the matter, that they know not whether to ridicule or resist. Yet the slightest fair inquiry would have convinced the most sceptical that the peril was indeed fat approaching, and that a struggle must sooner or later come, if early corts were not made to obviate the necessity of future struggles. We believe that it is now too late to stay the course of this successful superstition, though it cannot be too late to check and impede it; at any rate, it is high time that the people should ascertain the truth, however painful and alarming, and should act on the dictates of sonnd policy, when at length a sound judgment is formed.

In 1792, there were not in the whole of Great Britain thirty Roman Catholic chapels; there are now five hundred and nineteen, and forty-three building. In that year, there was not one single Roman Catholic college; there are now ten, and sixty seminaries of education, besides chapel schools. Very lately, Mr. Blundell of Jace Blundell, a Roman Catholic gentle

man of Great wealth, in Lancashire, died, leaving L.200,000 to the Roman Catholic bishop of London, doubtless for the increase of similar establishments; and by the Catholic magazines and Catholic directories, we observe some other bequests of great valueone, particularly, from a Miss Dempsey, who is stated to have left her whole property, which is called considerable, to her church. There are other symptoms of extraordinary zeal and activity, and money is well known to have been received from abroad, particularly from the Leopoldine Institution of Austria. It must be remembered too, that the Roman Catholic population of Great Britain is now very little short of Two MILLIONS; that there is as we have shown great wealth among their leaders; and that when more money is wanted, all the terrors of a death-bed are now, as they ever have been, employed by the priests-with their threatenings of purgatory, and their promises of masses for the soul-to extort a parting gift or legacy to the church. Before the Reformation, this system had been carried to such an extent, that, both in England and Scot land, the church of Rome possessed upwards of one quarter of the whole land of the country; and nowadays, the same arts that gained that enormous property being employed-why we ask should they not be proportionately, or at least partially successful? By law, devises of land for ecclesiastical or charitable purposes are void, by the force of acts which first were placed on the statute book, centuries ago, to check the Papists which they constantly evaded then with wonderful sagacity and cunning, and which they may evade again; or if not, donations are still valid under certain circumstances, and personal property may be bequeathed as before. There is therefore every fair prospect that the two millions will be speedily fully provided with religious instruction; and when we consider the immense number of Protest