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will go beyond that. The social revolution you will then witness will exceed all the anarchy yet witnessed on the earth. If my France shall succeed, you will see the Revolution of 1830 everywhere respected and looked up to our new dynasty confided in and honoured-peace and order succeed to the present state of incipient anarchy-and France will have gained all she proposed by the Revolution of July."

To this prediction the Bonapartist replied, that the system of Casimir Perier would lead back France to the institutions of the Restoration; and that, if his plans and policy should succeed, France would soon have no more liberty than she enjoyed under the reigns of Louis XVIII. and Charles X. His answer to this observation was truly characteristic.

"More liberty than under the Restoration! More freedom than under the reigns of Louis XVIII. and Charles X.! Why, you do not know what you talk about; no! tell your partyyour Imperialists-your Republicans tell them all, that if I live, they shall weep tears of blood to have back again the liberties of the Restoration! During no period of the history of France, has so great a degree of liberty been enjoyed as during that portion of her existence. Take you back to the Restoration! ah, indeed I should be happy, happy beyond expression, if I could ever hope again to see France as free, as prosperous, as blessed as she was under the Restoration!"

The Bonapartist could say no more. This was the system of Casimir Perier, and he summed up all by saying, "Je veux la paix, et je ne veux que la Charte."

It would be as unnecessary as it would be tedious to recount all the facts of his powerful and wise administration. It was conceived and directed by himself-and its object was clear and precise. At the commencement, it astonished even those whom it satisfied. Even those who desired most ardently its success were sceptical as to its duration. Those who were in heart republicans still affected to have the new monarchy, and to desire its strength. For it must not be forgotten that, even after the defeated emeute of the 14th July, 1831, the Republicans had not raised the standard of the Republic. They still vowed their attachment to the dynasty of

Orleans, and their apprehensions lest the policy of M. Perier should be unfavourable to its existence. The Conservatives themselves could not believe in the possibility of their own success. It was too good to be true. Some even said, "that he carried resistance too far;" and many a time was he obliged not only to attack the hydra of anarchy and Propagandism, but also to devote a portion of each day to encourage his timid though sincere followers.

The elections of 1831 afforded a great scope for the exercise of his energy and talents. He derived vast assistance from the advice of M. Guizot, and both publicly and privately acknowledged it to the end of his life. The struggle was desperate between wisdom and passion, false patriotism and real love of country; between the love of glory in the French character, and the rising desire for peace; between the enthusiasm and fanaticism of the mob, and the calm and dignified love of rational liberty of the superior and middliug classes. When the Chamber met, it was unknown to itself as it was to the Government.Its new members arrived, and many, many of its old ones too-with all their suspicious, all the doubts, and misgivings of the country, and with all its illusions. The old Liberal party was there with all its exigencies, though it confided in its own patriotism, and was willing to find a guide and a commander. During the Restoration, the old Liberal party had been too much a party, and too little a principal. This Casimir Perier knew-this he felt,and this he deplored. No one professed more formally than he did the constitutional necessity of a bond of union between the Chamber and the Ministry; but no one held in more profound contempt that ambiguous policy which gave out that each measure and each law must be judged of isolately, without paying any attention to the necessities of the Government, and wants of the majority. When, then, the Deputies of 1831 elected M. LAFITTE, the chief of the last Cabinet, President of the Chamber, CASIMIR PERIER gave in his resignation; and, but for the unexpected attack made by the King of the Pays Bas on the rebel province of Belgium, this eminent statesmen had resolved to leave office. That was a moment of profound danger for the new French dy

nasty. If Casimir Perier had not consented to remain, a war with Europe would, apparently, at least, have been inevitable. How great was the anxiety of the king and of the Conservative interests of the country during that moment of uncertainty. How loud was the laugh of joy and derision when the name of LAFITTE came out of the balloting urn with a majority for him as President of the Chamber of Deputies! The majority was but ONE but Casimir Perier was no Lord Melbourne or Count Molè. He understood the principle of a majority in the Chamber of Deputies very differently to them; he acted on the principle which decided the Duke Welington, when he resigned power be cause a majority of THREE was against him. But the mirth and the satisfaction of the ultra-Liberal party was of short duration. Casimir Perier consented to remain in power, notwthstanding the defeat he sustained at the Chamber, or at least he consented to make another trial of the new Deputies. His decision was a wise one. The joy of the Revolutionary party at the momentary defeat of Casimir Perier was a lesson to the Chamber itself; and when it read in the columns of the Revolutionary prints the invectives poured forth against the Conservative policy of that statesman, and the curses heaped upon him when he consented to make another trial of the Chamber, the Deputies hesitated no longer. A majority, then, frank, loyal, and decided, rallied round that Conservative drapeau, and from that moment no Minister was ever supported by a more compact and decided majority. But still the Opposition both within and without the Chamber was formidable and numerous. Still the most dangerous theories were promulgated in the most seductive forms, and it was not only necessary to defend against calumnious attacks and gloomy predictions a line of policy not yet in full operation, and the success of which was necessarily slow, if not even doubtful; but it was also essential to prove to those who loved a rational liberty, that to regulate is not to stifle it-that to keep it within bounds is not to crush it-and that resistance is not treason. This was the task which every day Casimir Perier had to recommence with passion, ardour, aud conviction, day after day of a laborious session. M. Gui

zot was one of his principal supporters in this Herculean combat, and some effective aid was also supplied by M. Dupin. Many a day during this session will be noted in the Parliamentary annals of France; but none more so than when the debate arose on the "ordre du jour motive." Warsaw had fallen, and its fall had produced a profound impression in France. All the fractions of the Opposition united to avail themselves of this event, and to convert it into instruments of vengeance, revolt, and war. Paris had a sad and menacing aspect-tumultuous mobs appeared. One of them surrounded and wished to insult M. Perier himself. They spoke of marching against the Tuilleries of marching against the Chambers; and at the same time the question of Poland-i. e. the question of war or of peace-was brought under the attention of the Chamber. This was the sitting of the 21st of September. M. Perier, however, triumphed, and the peace of the world was decided by a majority of one hundred and sixteen. We say advisedly, "The peace of the world." For if that day M. Casimir Perier had not triumphed, a universal war, a war of principles, a revolutionary war must have followed, which would have reproduced the ensemble of the war of the Convention, as well as the war of Napoleon.

From the moment that Casimir Perier had assured so formidable a majority for his system of peace, he marched with firmness in the course he had chalked out. His conferences with foreign ambassadors were frequent. His morning walks with Count d'Appony, in a garden close to the Bois de Boulonge, were discovered. There he endeavoured to convince that diplomatist, and through him all Europe, that the intentions of the new dynasty were essentially Conservative; and whilst Prince Talleyrand pledged himself in London for the truth of this declaration, the whole of the policy, as well as the assurances of M. Perier at Paris, guaranteed the truth and accuracy of both their statements.

At last one year passed away, and M. Perier beheld himself, on the 18th March, 1832, still the leader and chief of the Conservative Administration of the former year. This was a great triumph. Twelve months of existence to a Ministry at such an epoch, was in

itself next to a miracle. A majority now existed, most compact and resolute, on all political questions.

The army had been tried at Lyons, and had proved itself faithful. Paris wss devoted to the ideas of order and Conservatism. The expedition to ANCONA was the only extraordinary whim of Cassimir Perier, but he defended it on the ground that it was necessary to make such a concession to France, in order to show to her that, though the Government was resolved on maintaining peace, it was also determined not to submit to any humiliation.

The expedition to ANCONA, was still, we think, though disposed to make every allowance to M. Perier, one of the faults of that honest and great man's Administration. It was not sufficiently large to oppose an Austrian army in Italy. It was not sufficiently powerful to keep in order the agitating spirits in the Papal and other States. It would have been as nothing, and less than nothing, in the event of a war between Austria and the Italian populations, and was calculated to excite false hopes on one side, and distrust on the other. But we know that, even to the hour of his death, he looked upon this as a master-stroke of policy, as he did the expedition of the French to the Belgian territory. M. Perier laboured, however, under the error, which is very common to publio men who have been only a short time at the head of affairs, viz. that of supposing that all the secrets of the French Cabinet were not known to the other Cabinets of Europe. Yet the reverse of this was the case. Europe knew that France had not an army to defend even her own territory, much less to carry war into an enemy's country; and therefore, when the Austrian, Prussian, and Russian Governments saw this paltry expedition to Ancona, knowing, as they did know, that France was unable to sustain a serious war in Italy-they perceived in it the proof, that even Casimir Perier, with all the firmness of his character, and with all the resolution of his system, was obliged to make this concession to the war and revolutionary parties in France. The subsequent continuance of those forces at Ancona has been more than absurd-it has been a fault; aud it is high time that Louis Philippe should himself see the propriety of withdrawing soldiers from the Italian shores.

The spring of 1832, unhappily however, brought along with it the cholera morbus to Paris. At first Casimir Perier was not much alarmed by its invasion; but subsequently the scenes which took place in the capital filled his heart with anguish, and his eyes with tears. On the 1st of April in that year he visited, with the young Duke of Orleans, the splendid Hospital of the Hotel Dieu, and visited with him the first victims of that terrible disease. The following day, reports were put in circulation that the fountains of Paris had been poisoned by Government agents, and then by the priests, and the most horrible assassinations were perpetrated in broad day, under the pretext of avenging the " people" of their poisoners. Never was a fouler calomny invented. It was the progress of the pest which carried off its victims, sweeping all before it.

On the 6th of April, 1832, Casimir Perier was seized with an attack of the cholera. The malady was terrible. He suffered most excruciatingly from the cramp. The best medical talent of France was procured for him. No effort, and no experiment, was wanting or remained untried. Every plausible remedy was sought for with avidity. Those who were most opposed to his political system were as anxious as his friends to preserve his energetic and valuable life. But though for a moment the disease appeared to cede, it returned with renewed power, and his exhausted and sunken frame at last became the prey of death, and he expired on the 16th May, 1832, in the fifty-fifth year of his age.

During the period that M. Casimir Perier was Minister, his speeches at the Chamber were very numerous, especially_from_September 1831 to March 1832. The subjects discussed were of the most exciting character, and comprised all the leading features of the Revolution of 1830. The policy of the Government-the conduct of the Legitimists-the questions of Austria and the Roman Statesthe Polish Revolution-the destruction of the hereditary peerage-the capture of Warsaw-the conduct of the foreign refugees-the settlement of the civil list-the troubles in La Vendée- the National Guards' lawthe troubles of Lyons-the frauds and deficits of Resner-the floating debt

the secret service money-the foreign policy of France-the expenses of foreign embassies the troubles of Grenoble, and the financial operations of the Government, were amongst some of the topics of the most interesting and important debates of modern French history.

The last time he ever spoke in the Chamber of Deputies was in the sitting of the 29th March, when he presented from the Government bills providing for the secret expenses of the Government, for the caisse de vituana, and for the prorogation of the suspension of the municipal organization law. We cannot, however, do better than select as a specimen of his style and manner of speaking, some extracts from his celebrated address of 21st September, 1831, in reply to the attacks made by the Opposition on the Conservative policy of the Casimir Perier Administration.

The moment seized upon by the Opposition was when Warsaw had fallen, when Paris was in a state of unparalleled agitation, and when the Chamber was surrounded by mobs and tumults. The following are some specimens of his impassioned and manly eloquence :

"A la nouvelle des événemens de Varsovie, la France a eprouvé un sentiment douloureux; mais tous les bons citoyens, en s'associant à la situation de la Pologne, n'ont pas oublié ce qu'ils doivent à leur propre pays, et assurement ils ne veulent pas réparer les malheurs de la Pologne par les malheurs de la France.

"On vous a parlé de vos deliberations, messieurs; vous délibérez ici sous la protection des lois, et le gouvernement, qui est chargé de les défendre, a pour appui l'armée, la Garde Nationale, qui en criant Vive la Pologne! crie avant tout: Vive le Roi! Vive la France! oui! Vive le Roi! Vive la France! c'est là le cri de tous les Français; les cris factieux que nous avons entendus, nous saurons les réprimer. Ceux qui crient en ce moment, Vive la Pologne! en ajoutant, A bas le Gouvernement du Roi! A bas l'autorité du Roi! ne sont ni les amis de la Pologne, ni les amis de leurs pays. Délibérez tranquillement, messieurs; tant que le pouvoir nous sera confiê, nous saurons le défendre et le faire respecter par les factieux."

M. Manguin having complained

that the Opposition had been taken by surprise, and the Chamber cheated out of a vote of confidence, M. Casimir Perier demanded that a new vote should be given and a new decision come to. He said—

"Et pour que l'Opposition ne puisse pas un jour remettre en discussion ce second vote, comme le premier, sous prétexte de surprise, qu'il soit bien entendu, messieurs, comme nous avons dû croire qu'il l'avait été dans la discussion de l'addresse, que ce système, c'est le maintien de la paix, sous toutes les réserves de sûreté et de dignité nationales dont nous sommes aussi jaloux que qui que ce soit ; c'est l'antipathie la plus déclarée pour toute espèce de propagande; c'est une médiation de bienveillance en faveur de toutes les infortunes, avec tous les ménagemens que dicte la loyauté pour les droits et pour les traités.

"C'est une attention scrupuleuse à ne considérer les questions exterieures que sous le point de vue des veritables intérêts de notre pays. Telle est, messieurs, dans tout pays libre et éclairé, la règle des hommes d'etat vraiment patriotes. Telle est celle que nous tracent à la fois nos intérêts matériels, l'honneur national, la paix interieure, et la securité de notre révo lution.

"Sous tous ces rapports, également sacrés, nous avons donc la conscience, messieurs, d'avoir fait ce que voulait la France, non pas ce que veulent pour elle ceux qui la font écrire et parler, mais ce que ses interêts, étudiées consciencieusement, réclament de l'Administration qui les a compris.

"Nous persistons donc avec une conviction plus profounde que jamais, dans un système de paix que nous nous faisons gloire d'avoir défendu, d'avoir maintenu jusqu'à ce jour, et dont la rupture jetterait une immense responsibilité, aux yeux de la France, de l'Europe, de l'humanité toute entière, sur quiconque s'en serait rendu comptable."

At the death of Casimir Perier, he left two sons; one is Secretary to the French Embassy at the Hague, and the other undertook the direct on of the commercial house founded by his father. His wife, whose maiden name was Pauline Loyer, and for whom he ever felt the most lively and tender affection, has no other consolation than that derived from the recollection

of the past, from the memory of having been the devoted companion of a man whose name is held in universal respect, and from the hopes of a pious and serene mind.

Casimir Perier was buried at the cemetery of the Pére la Chaise, not far from his brother Scipion, and from his friend Camille Jordan. The funeral rites were performed by all the capital -and the addresses over his tomb were delivered by Royer Collard, Bignon, Dupin, Berenger, Davilliers, Francois Delessert, and the Duke de Choiseul.

Casimir Perier was very tall and well made. His face was manly and regular-and there was a penetration and a finesse in his features which often contrasted well with his imposing energy. His air, his manner, were prompt, and even imperious-and he would say sometimes, smiling, when speaking of the efforts made by his political opponents to compel him to yield—“ Comment veut-on que je céde avec la taille que j'ai?"

M. Herseul has painted an admirable likeness-and M. David has sculptured a perfect medallion of this celebrated man. In the last years of his life his features were changed by corporal sufferings, and by intense mental and moral application. His notions were nette and his impressions lively. His reason was always contending with his passions, and perpetually subduing them. He presented the spectacle of a man whose powerful soul in vain attempted to convey to others the vivacity and force of the impression under which he himself laboured. He often said of himself" Il me manque bien des choses, mais j'ai du cœur, du tact, et du bonheur."

His mind was however disposed to hesitate. On vast subjects he was quick to perceive and resolute to actbut on the lesser and daily affairs of business or of the state he was prone to doubt and to adjourn. He was by no means a pleasant companion, an agreeable bon-vivant, or adapted to the politenesses and courtesies of life. He was rigorous towards others-and severe towards himself-but though he loved few, he hated none. He had a passion for conquest-but none to injure, or to destroy. He had, how

ever, some tenderly attached friends who speak of him with enthusiasm, and for whom he felt the most passionate friendship. In the world`generally, he was reserved, cold, and uneasy; in his family he was gay in his conversation and lively in his sallies.

Casimir Perier is not forgotten. Six years have elapsed since he descended to the common grave of the wise and the ignorant, the virtuous and the wicked. But he is not forgotten. The rapid stream of time ever flowing, and ever bearing away upon its bosom the names and the memories of those who have lived and who have acted, has not been able to sweep away the memory of Casimir Perier. His name will rest for ever engraved on the annals of the French monarchy.

The political system of Casimir Perier did not expire with him. When the news of his death was conveyed to Louis Philippe, he exclaimed, in the bitterness of his sorrow—“ My cup is full-it only required this new disaster to complete its bitterness." But the policy of the departed statesman was persevered in-and France was saved as well as Europe from an universal war. It may be said of him, as it was said of Mr. Pitt by Lord Castlereagh-"his policy triumphed over his tomb." He died too soon for himself his family, his friends, and his country-but at least, if he had survived, he would not have had to deplore the triumph of propagandism, or the victories of sanguinary factions. His policy grappled with the hydra whilst living, and crushed it after his death.

The glory of Casimir Perier is pure, as it is incapable of attack. He appeared as a meteor in those cloudy, dark, and dreary days when all was mysterious, uncertain, and sad. But his work shall be durable, for it was not the artificial creation of a party, but the reply to the demands of justice, civilisation, and true liberty. On his tomb, too early closed, as too soon opened, the drapeau of " ORDER !" was raised; and the laws have triumphed over faction and folly. This was the best homage which could be paid to his memory-and the lesson we should be taught from his life,

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