the state of things to which the refusal of Emancipation was hurrying the country. I have been represented as a terrorist, and it was said that being myself affrighted, I was anxious to convert my fears into a panic. That sort of valour which consists in setting a small value on the lives of others, is easy of attainment, and I own that I am not ambitious of that kind of political chivalry. I do not, I hope, often speak of myself, but I am justified in the egotism of a moment, when I say, that where my own liberty was at stake, when I was brought to the threshold of a long captivity and saw a dungeon before me, I did not exhibit any pusillanimous disposition. My fears are not derived from any danger of my own, but I confess that if courage consists in seeing with indifference my country covered with the blood of its people, I do not possess that kind of intrepidity. It does appear to me that men are not sufficiently aware of the results which may ensue from the unparalleled excitation (for it is without example) to which the passions of both Catholics and Protestants have been raised. It is recorded that, in a great combat, so fierce was the fury of the contending armies, that they were not conscious of an earthquake by which the field of battle was shaken. In this terrific contest-in this shock of faction, we do not perceive that the country is rocking beneath our feet. Listen to the mutterings of the earthquake, and let not the subterranean thunder roll unheard. I do here repeat, what I before declared, that the Government (for with them all the blame must ultimately rest), by allowing the Catholic question to convulse the country, and not at once interposing for its adjustment,-by their strange procrastination, and almost imbecile indecision-by their fantastical irresolution and unaccountable infirmity of purpose, have caused the mind of Ireland to be infuriated to such a point, that we are almost at the mercy of accident, and that any unfortunate contingency might throw the country into a convulsion. The oldest man who hears me does not remember a parallel of national passion. I am at a loss to see any benefit to be derived from these meetings and marchings

to which so much anxious attention has lately been directed, beyond the bare evidence which they afford of the colossal power of the people, which bestrides the land; and of that amazing strength, perhaps, there has been given proof enough. I had rather show the Government the giant in repose, than exhibit this mighty stirring of his limbs. It is excellent to have a 'giant strength,' but it is rash to use it after this gigantic fashion. The people are reconciled. The Government must see pretty clearly what they could do, at a signal (God forbid that it ever should be given !)-enough has been done-and I own that I see many objections to these assemblies. First, they are not of our calling. We may have prepared the public mind, and rendered it susceptible of the feelings from which these meetings derive their origin, but we have not called them. I do not desire to see any assemblies of Roman Catholics, excepting such as shall be under the immediate direction and control of that government which we have established. We have hitherto exercised a useful despotism over the passions of the people, and have taken care to present to them none but legal and constitutional objects of political pursuit. But let us have a care. Let no spirits be permitted to rise, except such as we shall evoke. Let us be wise in our magic, that no power shall ascend except at our bidding; and let us beware lest some spirit may appear who shall disobey the spell-who may trespass on the boundaries which we have traced-who shall pass the circle and hurry the enchanters away. Let us show the Marquis of Anglesea that Ireland may be governed upon different principles, and let us show him what a wise Government could be, by performing the part of a wise government ourselves. Let us, by gentle remonstrance, disperse these assemblies, and prove with what facility Irishmen can be controlled."*

Resolutions were subsequently, passed dissuading

Speech in Catholic Association, 25th September, 1828.

the people from holding such assemblages, and Mr. O'Connell was asked "to employ his powerful and deserved authority" to the same end; and this he did by the publication of an address to the men of Tipperary, enjoining the strict observance of order and tranquillity, and the discontinuance of demonstrations calculated to cause exasperation and alarm.* The address was received in various districts at the moment when thousands were marching to a common place of rendezvous; they instantly obeyed the admonition, and returned to their homes. A proclamation by the Lord Lieutenant in Council was issued on the 1st October, forbidding such assemblages; none took place; and the authority of the King and that of the Association claimed alike the merit of their suppression.

*The resolutions of the Association were adopted on the 25th, and Mr. O'Connell's address was dated the 30th, September, 1828.

CHAPTER XIII.

1828-1829.

Beginning of the end-Penenden Heath-Dinner at the London Tavern-Lord Cloncurry-The Premier and the Catholic Primate-Recal of Lord Anglesea-What was to be done?— Sir Robert Peel's reasons for concession-A midnight visit to Strathfieldsaye-Suppression of the Association-Dinner at Mr. Sheil's-The Relief Bill carried-Disfranchisement of the forty-shilling freeholders.

As symptoms of wavering betrayed themselves in quarters hitherto inaccessible alike to the influences of persuasion or fear,* popular feeling throughout England became aroused, and at public meetings and in the public prints, language the most unqualified, and

* In the latter part of 1828, Sir Robert Heron says, "the Duke of Wellington has shown some disposition to settle the Catholic question, which, indeed, he must be mad to oppose any longer. No one knows his intentions; yet he alone amongst the intolerants gives hope."-p. 174.

frequently the most unscrupulous, was held. Clergymen and lawyers vied with one another in the vehemence and variety of their denunciations of all concession; the warnings of history were reiterated; and, by anticipation, the contents of the prophetic vials were poured forth. Persons of quality no longer disdained to mingle their voices in the general clamour; and it can hardly be doubted that, had a dissolution of Parliament occurred in 1828, a decided majority would have been returned in Great Britain upon the "No Popery" cry. The Whigs were divided; and the energy of radicalism was still undirected to any very definite or practical purpose. The unpopularity of the King was almost forgotten in the seclusion of Windsor; and the authority of a Government presided over by the Duke of Wellington was incontestably greater than that which any previous administration had possessed for many years. In the midst of this apparent strength and security the partisans of ascendency were, nevertheless, filled with misgivings. "The ambiguity of the Duke's speech (on Lord Lansdowne's motion, 9th of June) made the world uneasy."* Rumours, officially discredited, yet still not wholly disbelieved, began to circulate regard

*Letter of Lord Eldon, July 19th, 1828. Life, vol. iii., p. 55.