ignorance or jealousy in those who made them. He used to tell an anecdote of Flood, apropos of this subject. At the conclusion of an elaborate attack upon the ministry by that formidable assailant, one of their empty and flippant retainers was put up to reply to him; and by way of disparaging the force of splendid imagery and grave invective with which the Commons had been carried away, the apologist of the Treasury Bench began by declaring that he would not try to mislead the House by the use of exalted phrases he would not try to delude them by dramatic pauses he would not try to influence them by theatrical intonation; and he was beginning another reiteration of what he would not try to do, when Flood scornfully ejaculated, "Try, sir-do try!" the ludicrous effect of which was irresistible. This story was told by Lord Plunket to Sheil, when talking of the men who were most distinguished in the Irish Parliament.

CHAPTER XVIII.

1837-1840.

The Queen's Accession-Commissionership of Greenwich Hospital -Personal anecdotes-Appropriation clause abandonedDebate on the Government of Ireland-The Jamaica Bill— Ministerial changes-Vice-Presidency of the Board of Trade -Dinner to Mr. Byng-Government patronage-Personal characteristics-Lord Stanley's Registration Bill.

Ar the general election occasioned by the demise of the Crown, no important change in the balance of parties occurred. In England the Conservatives gained; but this was countervailed by their losses in Scotland and in Ireland. In the latter country, the fusion of the different sections of the Liberal party appeared to be complete. The administrative government, for the first time since the Union, was conducted upon the principles laid down by Mr. Fox, in

1797. "My wish," said that eminent statesman, "is, that the whole people of Ireland should have the same privileges, the same system, the same operation of government; and although it may be only a subordinate consideration, that all classes should have an equal chance of emolument-in other words, I would have the Irish government regulated by Irish notions and Irish prejudices; and I am convinced, the more Ireland is under Irish government, the more she will be bound to English interests." To those principles Lord John Russell stated that he gave his unqualified adhesion,* and in a letter addressed by him to Lord Mulgrave, soon after the Queen's accession, he conveyed to the viceroy the strongest expressions of her Majesty's commendation, her entire approval of the principles on which the recent administration of affairs in Ireland had been carried on, and the cordial expression of her desire "to see her Irish subjects in the full enjoyment of that civil and political equality, to which, by a recent statute, they were entitled; and that she was convinced, that when invidious distinctions were altogether obliterated, her throne would be more secure, and the people more truly united." A new era thus seemed *Debate on Irish Municipal Reform, 7th February, 1837.

to be inaugurated. The fatal chain, by which liberty and loyalty had long been bound together in men's thoughts as antagonistic and incompatible, was broken, and the shout at the hustings was everywhere, "the Queen, and justice to Ireland." Many severe contests took place, but generally with results favourable to the popular cause. Mr. Sheil and Mr. Otway Cave were opposed in Tipperary, but both were returned by a great majority; the numbers being, for Mr. Sheil, 1557; Mr. Cave, 1544; Mr. Barker, 642; and Mr. Moore, 633.

The new parliament met in November, to settle the Civil List for the youthful Sovereign; and having performed that duty, adjourned till February. In the interval, the first proposition connected with office was made to Mr. Sheil. So long as William the Fourth lived, an insuperable barrier existed to his attainment of office. Like his predecessor, the King deemed himself bound to cherish a fraternal resentment against the man who had ventured to trifle with the sufferings of the Duke of York. The lapse of ten years, and all the changes that in that period had occurred, were not sufficient to obliterate from the royal mind the memory of that miserable affront. This at least, was the only assigned cause. But soon after the

Queen's accession to the throne, it was felt by many of his friends, that as no obstacle of the kind adverted to, any longer existed, some office of distinction ought to be placed at his disposal. Lord John Russell wrote to Lord Melbourne, suggesting that he should ascertain what his views as to office were. The premier did so, asking him if he still looked for professional advancement. He said, No, that he had very much forgotten his law, and would prefer political or other office. On learning this, Lord John proposed that he should have the clerkship of the Ordnance, saying "that although he might have forgotten his law, he was certainly well up to working the guns." Some delay however intervened, and the commissionership of Greenwich Hospital fell vacant. It certainly was hardly worthy of his acceptance; but he had often expressed an anxiety to have something for life, as his income was chiefly dependent on that of Mrs. Sheil, and under the impression that it was permanent and compatible with parliament, Lord Melbourne offered it to him. In the conversation which took place upon the occasion, Sheil said he preferred it on this account to the clerkship of the Ordnance, although he added, laughing, the salary is not very splendid. Lord Melbourne