Изображения страниц
PDF
EPUB

confirmed what had been thus stated in the Commons, and both friends and foes conceived that a great effect favourable to concession was likely to be produced thereby. In September, 1808, a resolution, however, was come to by the Irish Catholic prelates, declaring that it was inexpedient to introduce any alteration in the mode theretofore observed in the nomination of bishops. When appealed to as to the exact import of this declaration, by Sir Edward Bellew and Lord Southwell, Archbishop O'Reilly explained that the prelates did not mean to decide that the admission of a veto on the part of the Crown, with the consent of the Holy See, would be contrary to the doctrine of the Roman Catholic church, or to any practice or usage essentially or indispensably connected with the Roman Catholic religion; candour, however, and truth obliged him to say that the declaration was dictated by a well-founded apprehension that the concession in question might eventually be attended with consequences dangerous to the Roman Catholic religion; such danger, in his mind, and in the opinion of several other prelates, was of a temporary nature, resulting from existing circumstances, though many persons supposed it to arise from the nature of the measure, thus giving to the resolution

of the bishops a meaning it did not deserve. But by the opponents of emancipation no little use was made of the last-named resolution. Lord Grey and Mr. Windham, foreseeing the advantage to which it would be turned in debate, conferred with the heads of the English Catholic party as to the means of conciliating the differences which were likely to arise on the point in question. But it was not in the power of individuals to allay the spirit of discord that had already begun to display itself. Two parties were gradually formed—the Vetoists, comprising the greater portion of the educated and opulent classes, who despaired of obtaining the relaxation of civil disabilities without some ecclesiastical guarantees; and the Anti-Vetoists, who rejected all compromise, and declared themselves ready to wait for emancipation until it should be gained without conditions. The former had the sympathy and confidence of all who in Parliament had hitherto striven disinterestedly for the assertion of sectarian liberty: the latter were sustained by popular feeling in Ireland, and were led by O'Connell. Mr. Grattan in 1809 and 1810 presented, as before, the national petitions for relief; but he urged, upon all occasions, the necessity of mutual concessions if anything practical was looked for.

For a time, a disposition was shown in Ireland to follow this advice. In the Catholic committee, which had been organized for the purpose of directing the general affairs of the body, persons who differed widely on the admissibility of compromise met and cooperated freely. The heads of many of the old aristocratic families mingled with the merchants and professional men, with whom they were united by the common tie of disfranchisement on account of their faith. In point of substance and respectability, the periodical meetings of the committee could generally boast of an influential platform, to which, however, the character of the bulk of the assembly was seldom found to correspond. There were, indeed, widely diffused feelings of discontent, if not of disaffection, but habits of political deliberation among the mass of the trading and agricultural classes, as yet there were none; there were a few malcontent nobles, a few malcontent lawyers, and a few malcontent merchants, who, whenever they met in public, were sure to be vociferously cheered; but effective organization with a settled purpose was a thing unknown. Towards the close of 1810 an idea seems to have been adopted, that without infringing the existing law which forbade the assembling together of persons professing or claiming to

be elected delegates from different parts of the kingdom, it might be possible to constitute a permanent society which, practically, would possess the influence and wear the aspect which the legislature had jealously interdicted. A plan was publicly proposed by which the committee should in future embrace, beside other persons individually joining it, all Catholic peers, bishops, baronets, peers' sons, and the surviving delegates of the Convention of 1793, together with a certain number of individuals chosen by each county, and by each parish of the metropolis. Great expectations were formed of the effect of this project, which Mr. O'Connell had pronounced to be perfectly legal. A more numerous attendance than previously, marked the public assemblies periodically summoned by the committee; and at several of these many persons of distinction among liberal Protestants lent their assistance.

Richard Sheil had for some time been a listener to these proceedings, and he became at length impatient to take part in them. On the 9th February, at a meeting where Lord Ffrench presided, a resolution was moved to select seven persons who should accompany Lord Fingal to London, where they were to confer with members of both Houses of Parliament, and to

act in the capacity of national representatives, on all questions of detail that might arise during the session. It was obvious that upon the selection so made the fate of the question of compromise might possibly depend; and the mutual distrust between Vetoists and Anti-Vetoists, hitherto suppressed, threatened to burst forth anew. After many had spoken, a young man, carelessly dressed, and whose appearance was unknown to a majority of those present, asked for a hearing. The tone of his voice, and something wild and unsettled in his look, did not at first favourably impress his questioning auditory. What he said, moreover, though conciliatory in its tenor, was uttered with a spasmodic abruptness and vehemence, calculated rather to provoke a laugh than to take admiration by surprise. As he proceeded, however, his earnestness began to win its way; and some, more impressible than those around them, gave him an encouraging cheer. The effect of this was to render his manner more collected, and his articulation more clear. "The Edinburgh Review had cast ridicule upon them, as a mere mob of orators, without a substantial following, or any true representative character. The contemplated mission to England," he said, "would tend to remove these aspersions, and correct whatever

[blocks in formation]
« ПредыдущаяПродолжить »