the mimic field of party battle. He longed to mingle in the actual strife of politics, conscious, in some degree, that his powers, which he used half-jestingly to say were those of "popular inflammation," needed for their exercise the real field of popular grievance and popular passion. From the discussion of historical and speculative questions he began to turn his thoughts to those of the day, and more especially to that round which in Ireland ali others long grouped themselves the removal of religious disabilities. The position of the Catholic question at this period was strange and anomalous. One of the chief inducements to the Union held out by the British Ministers, had been the facility it would afford for the final settlement of that great controversy. Lord Castlereagh, on whom, as Chief Secretary to the Lord-Lieutenant, the conduct of the more important transactions connected with the carrying of the Union devolved, subsequently avowed that "he had been authorized, in 1799, to communicate with the Catholic clergy. It was then distinctly understood that the political claims of the Catholics must remain for the consideration of the Imperial Parliament; but the expediency of making, without delay, some provision for their clergy, under proper regulations, was

fully recognised. The result of their deliberation was laid before Government in certain resolutions, signed by ten of their bishops, including the four metropolitans, in January, 1799."*

When the Union was carried, Mr. Pitt felt bound in honour to requite the aid he had obtained from the hierarchy and upper classes of the Catholics in carrying a measure so difficult and so important, by urging without delay upon the king the fulfilment of the expectations held forth. George III., however, was not to be moved, and refused his assent; the Minister, in consequence, resigned, and remained out of office until 1804. On his death, Lord Grenville and Mr. Fox, who had uniformly advocated the claims of the Catholics, were called to power. They formed an administration strong in talent and in influence, but not strong enough to attempt the task of Catholic emancipation. To use the words of Mr. Fox, "they were desirous, by the removal of Lord Redesdale [from the Chancellorship of Ireland], Mr. Foster, and justices of the peace whose conduct had been notoriously oppressive, to show their good intentions; and steps still more important would be taken

*Speech of Lord Castlereagh, in House of Commons, 25th May, 1810.

to do for the Catholics all that was consistent with existing bad laws, by giving them all the share in the government of their country" that Ministers could give. But they despaired of success in any immediate attempt at remedial legislation, "unless they could have active assistance from a quarter in which to look for passive acquiescence was perhaps more than they could reasonably expect." Mr. Fox, therefore, advised that the Catholic petition should not be brought forward in 1807, as its supporters were certain to be in a minority, and the result might be to wreck the administration. At the same time he declared that "if, notwithstanding their wishes it should be presented, he would support it with all his power. His death, in the autumn of the same year, was speedily followed by the formation of a cabinet in which the opponents of all concession, including Lord Liverpool, Lord Eldon, and Mr. Perceval, constituted a decided preponderance. Mr. Canning and Lord Castlereagh asserted, indeed, their individual right to express, whenever the subject was brought forward, their dissent from their colleagues. But the Secretary of the Treasury treated their mutinous eloquence as

*Letter to Mr. Ryan, in Lord Holland's Memoirs of the Whig Party. Vol. i., p. 214.

sweet-smelling salve for the discipline his whip inflicted on thin-skinned supporters: and there were those who did not scruple to say that such manifestations of fruitless freedom were meant to serve as a blind for compliance in other matters of more immediate moment.* Be that as it may, however, the question seemed to be fairly a-ground; and no one could suggest any better way of rescuing it from its desperate position than that of ridding it of some of those terrors with which, to the minds of many, it seemed burthened.

And thus arose the incidental controversy about what was termed "the Veto." When applied to by Mr. Pitt, on the eve of the Union, the Catholic prelates above alluded to had adopted a series of resolutions, declaring that a provision through Government for the Roman Catholic clergy, competent and secured, ought to be thankfully accepted; and that in the appointment of the prelates to vacant sees,

* At the table of Mr. Bushe, when Solicitor-General for Ireland, Lord Lansdowne expressed, soon after the close of the session of 1810, a more charitable estimate of Lord Castlereagh's conduct in this respect, adding that "by his recent speech on the Catholic question, he had made great character." Chief Baron O'Grady instantly replied, "Then, if he has, depend upon it he'll spend it like a gentleman."

such interference of Government as might enable it to be satisfied of the loyalty of the persons appointed was just, and ought to be agreed to under certain regulations, therein stated, regarding the mode of election by the clergy of each diocese, &c.; and that when the names of the candidates duly chosen should have been forwarded to the Government, if Government had any proper objection against such candidates, the president of the election should be informed. thereof within one month of the presentation, who, in that case, should convene the electors (the parochial clergy) to the election of another candidate. But inasmuch as by the discipline of the Catholic church these conditions, before being entered into, needed the sanction of the Holy See, such sanction the Roman Catholic prelates of the kingdom should, as soon as may be, use their endeavours to procure.* These resolutions were first referred to in Parliament by Mr. Grattan, on 25th of May, 1808. Mr. Ponsonby, who had filled the office of Chancellor in Ireland in the previous year, declared his belief that the terms therein indicated would be readily acquiesced in by leading persons, both lay and clerical, among the Catholics. Lord Grenville, in the House of Lords,

* Butler's Hist. Memoirs of the Catholics. Vol. iv., p. 151, et seq.