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the House of Commons, and, though more than one attempt was made to stop him, by appeals to order, he persisted in stating the grounds on which he deemed such a declaration to be fraught with danger to the peace of society and the stability of the institutions of the country. After some angry altercation, the debate on the bill introduced by Mr. Littleton, for the abolition of the 40s. franchise, was then proceeded with. It was regarded solely in the light of one of those collateral measures by the help of which it had been supposed that a settlement of the Catholic question might have been effected and accordingly we find amongst its opponents many of the highest Tories, mingled with some who, though emancipationists, felt themselves bound by their Reform principles to resist any curtailment of the elective franchise. Mr. Peel and Mr. Lambton were found, on this occasion, arrayed against Mr. Plunket and Sir Francis Burdett.

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On a division, the second reading was carried by 233, to 185 against it. But the interest which would have otherwise attached to the measure soon died away, and though considered in committee, the bill never went to a third reading. The other auxiliary measure, that for the payment of the Roman Catholic

clergy, was introduced by Lord Francis Leveson Gower, on the 29th of the same month. The plan which he submitted to the House was intended to provide annual stipends of 15007. a year for each of the four archbishops, 10007. a year for each of the twenty-two bishops, 3007. a year for each of the three hundred deans, 2007. a year for one class of parish priests, 1207. for a second class, and 607. for those who performed the duties of curates. The total amount of expenditure he estimated at 250,000l. per annum. Mr. Peel opposed the motion as uncalled for and unnecessary, but added that he would not object to the principle, if the Legislature had decided to remove all the civil disabilities complained of. The resolution, "That it is expedient that a provision should be made by law towards the maintenance of the Roman Catholic clergy exercising religious functions in Ireland," was carried by 205 to 162, but no ulterior proceedings were afterwards taken.

On the 17th of May, the second reading of the Relief Bill was lost in the House of Lords by a majority of 48, the numbers being 178 against 130. The Duke of Sussex was the only member of his family who supported the measure, the Dukes of York, Clarence, and Cumberland continuing in oppo

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sition to it. The fact was well calculated to make a deep impression on the minds of the Catholics, to drive the sanguine to desperation, and the timid to despair. On all hands it was felt that if at the general election, which must of necessity occur during the following year, some considerable change could not be effected in the relative strength of parties in the House of Commons, all expectation of any settlement of the question must be indefinitely deferred. was felt by the popular leaders, and the feeling added bitterness to the disappointment they had suffered, that every concession made by them with a view to a compromise had been made in vain. They had allowed the association to be dissolved almost without an effort of popular remonstrance, in the hope that such an organization would no longer be required. The hope had proved illusory, and the powerful mechanism of agitation had been swept away. They had consented to the disfranchisement of the 40s. freeholders, yet to these very men they must now appeal, as the last constitutional resort, to efface the discomfiture which had been sustained. As might have been expected, there were many in Ireland ready to add by their reproaches to the mortification of the baffled chiefs of their party. Distrust

and disunion broke forth on all sides, and vague imputations of faithlessness were recklessly hurled at the more prominent members of the luckless deputation. It needed no ordinary spirit of energy and courage to look all this amount of popular disappointment and ill-humour in the face, and to undertake the work of reconstruction and reparation on the temporary ruin of the confidence hitherto reposed in them. It is probable, indeed, that without the signal force and versatility of Mr. O'Connell, the attempt would never have been made. But the influence of his example was contagious amongst all who had recently shared his counsel and its defeat: a common sentiment of wounded pride and tantalizing expectation animated all, and by none were these emotions more keenly shared than by the subject of the present memoirs.

CHAPTER VIII.

1825-1826.

New Catholic Association-Revival of agitation-Speech at the Boyne-Visit to Paris-L'Etoile-American sympathy— Lord Wellesley-Leinster provincial meeting-Prayer for Emancipation-Mr. G. R. Dawson-Manufacturing distress in England.

THE tidings of the loss of the Relief Bill reached Dublin at an early hour on the 20th May, and created a deep and painful sensation. On the 23rd, a preliminary meeting was held to consider what public steps should be taken in consequence of the defeat of the measure. Mr. Woulffe took the chair, and after some time spent in conference, resolutions to be submitted to an aggregate meeting were prepared by Mr. Sheil, Sir John Burke, Mr. Bric, and others. It was felt that time must be given to render the intended demonstration one of weight and influence commensurate with the occasion. But it was equally impor

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