In the course of the same year there appeared likewise from his pen, in the "New Monthly," sketches of Mr. Joy, who had succeeded Mr. Bushe as SolicitorGeneral, and of Mr. Sergeant Lefroy. His other Contributions to the same periodical in 1822 and 1823 were "Recollections of Talma," already quoted; a review of Casimir Delavigne's play, "Les Vêpres Siciliennes ;" and the articles entitled "State of Parties in Dublin," which contain several graphic etchings of the political groups most prominent at the time in the Irish metropolis.

CHAPTER VI.

1823-1824.

Catholic Association-Administration of justice; petition and debate thereon-Epigram on Baron M'Clelland-Religious education-Polemics-Archbishop Magee-Lord Cloncurry on Repeal-Influence of the Association-Agrarianism— The forfeited estates; Lord Redesdale-Appeal to the English people-Prosecution of O'Connell-Mr. Plunket.

THE condition of things existing in Ireland at the beginning of the year 1823, with reference to the question of Catholic emancipation, as contrasted with that which soon afterwards arose, was thus described by Mr. Sheil: "An entire cessation of Catholic meetings had taken place. We had virtually abandoned the question; not only was it not debated in Parliament, but in Ireland there was neither committee, board, nor association. The result was that a total

stagnation of public feeling took place, and I do not exaggerate when I say that the Catholic question was nearly forgotten; all public meetings had ceased; no angry resolutions issued from public bodies; no exciting speeches appeared in the public papers; the monstrous abuses of the Church Establishment-the frightful evils of political monopoly—the hideous anomaly in the whole structure of our civil institutions—the unnatural ascendency of a handful of men over an immense and powerful population-all these, and the other just and legitimate causes of public exasperation, were gradually dropping out of the national memory. The country was then in a state of comparative repose, but it was a degrading and unwholesome tranquillity. We sat down like galleyslaves in a calm. A general stagnation diffused itself over the national feelings. The public pulse had stopped; the circulation of all generous sentiment had been arrested, and (if I may use the expression) the country was palsied to the heart. What was the result? It was twofold. The question receded in England, and fell back from the general notice. There it was utterly forgotten, while in Ireland the spirit and energy of the people underwent an utter relaxation, and the most vigorous efforts were neces

sary to repair all the moral deterioration which the whole body of the Irish Catholics had sustained.”*

But how was this to be done? Various schemes of popular organization had been revolved from time to time in the fertile brain of O'Connell; but that which eventually commended itself above all others to his judgment was one which, while it reserved to persons of better education a controlling power, provided for the enrolment of the masses of the people as associate members of the body, the former, on payment of one guinea, and the latter on payment of one shilling a year. This plan was first suggested by him in conversation with a few intimate friends, of whom Mr. Sheil was one, at Glencullen, which was then the residence of Mr. T. O'Mara. The difficulties which it was felt must be encountered were freely canvassed, and it was agreed that the more comprehensive and democratic portion of the scheme should not at the outset be attempted. But the absolute necessity of some means of combination had become generally felt by all who were not content to relinquish the hope of civil equality. What continuous

*Speech at Catholic meeting, in Dublin, 22nd Sept., 1827."The people of England care little either about the rights of the Catholics or their own."-Notes by Sir R. Heron (1823), p. 152.

and systematic political agitation really meant, or might practically accomplish, nobody then knew. There were indeed many still living who recollected the uprise and popular sway of the volunteers; but the armed embodiment of the aristocracy and middle classes for national defence, however capable of being directed under an elective system of officers and commanders to purposes of a political kind, afforded no precedent or example for an association like that which was then contemplated. The Society of United Irishmen, one of whose professed objects had originally been the emancipation of the Catholics, and the singular completeness of whose internal constitution had enabled it to enrol and discipline vast numbers of the population, afforded an example only to be avoided. The one was the improvisation of a national militia by the propertied and privileged classes the other the conspiracy of the disfranchised many. Both sought to achieve a political reform: the one by overawing the Government, the other by undermining it; and both failed, with arms in their hands-the volunteers, because they were unable to enlist the sympathy and support of the people—the United Irishmen, because they had to encounter the hostility of nearly the whole of the upper classes of the community. It