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mortem Domitiani, vitas Cæsarum triginta voluminibus exaravit. No mention is made how many of these books were books of Annals or books of History.

Now, if we look to the progress of events, and to the number of important transactions that took place between the point where the sixteeenth book of Annals breaks off and the point where the first book of History commences, it will appear utterly incredible that, according to the supposition of Brotier, they should all have been comprised in the remainder of the sixteenth book. This period is one of four years, containing the extremely curious and now very imperfectly known proceedings of the insurrection in Spain and Gaul, the overthrow of Nero, and the end of the family of the Cæsars; how Vindex fell in the moment of the triumph of his cause; how Nymphidius hoped to profit by the vacancy, and how his projects were arrested; how Galba advanced to Rome, and by what acts he lost the popularity to which he owed his elevation. Over quiet and less interesting periods Tacitus glides quickly; but when it is observed how much attention he bestows on times of revolution, when the whole state seems heaving and convulsed, it is impossible to doubt that he very fully portrayed those events of which in other writers we see only a dim and imperfect outline. The five first books of his History, being devoted to such a period, fill a space of less than two years; and thus also I conceive, the four years preceding, being scarcely less important and eventful, were related in the

St. Hieron. Comment. in cap. xiv. Zach.

remainder of the sixteenth and in the seventeenth and eighteenth books of his Annals.

In confirmation of this view, it may be observed that the books of the Annals preserved to us are not of very unequal length. The number of chapters, though a modern and uncertain division, may afford us a rude approximation to this fact. The first book has 81 chapters, the second 88, the third 76, the fourth 75, and the sixth, of which some suppose the commencement to have perished, 51. Thus the average for each is 74. In the able Supplement of Brotier the want of sufficient materials renders of course his books much shorter, even although he has introduced some subjects, such as our Lord's Nativity and the Legation of Philo, which most certainly were not in the original Tacitus. The number of chapters in his seventh book is only 43, in his eighth 79, in his ninth 59, and in his tenth 35; the average being 56. Now, in his Supplement to the sixteenth book he treats of a period of which we have even less full details than that treated of in his Supplement between the sixth and eleventh books; yet in this his Supplement extends to 97 chapters! Can we believe, then, that Tacitus, with all his ample materials, and so wide a scope for his philosophic reflections, could have comprised this period in a single book, and extended this book to a still more disproportioned length? And is not my conjecture much more probable, that this period formed the theme of two books more?

What, I think, tends further to confirm this conjecture, is the remarkable fondness among nearly all

ancient nations for the number twelve, or some multiple or dividend of twelve. This is apparent among the Romans in their books of Epic poetry, their Tables of Laws, their Augurs, and a vast variety of other instances. Du Cange has shown that the same partiality existed amongst the early Scandinavians.1 Spelman has traced it amongst the Boiians and Burgundians,2 and Mr. Hallam and several other writers amongst the Anglo-Saxons. I need not investigate the causes of this custom or fancy. But as it undoubtedly existed and influenced many other Latin authors in their divisions of writing, I think it more probable that Tacitus should have written his Annals in eighteen books, and his History in twelve, than have divided the former into sixteen and the latter into fourteen.

I cannot conclude without a most earnest wish that some of the discoveries of the Italian Palimpsests may ere long restore to us these lost books of Tacitus, not with any view to the trifling point which I have been discussing, but to instruct and delight mankind by a work which even now, though incomplete, appears one of the noblest monuments ever raised by human genius.

1 Du Cange, Diction., voc. Nembda. 2 Spelman's Gloss., voc. Jurata. * Hallam's Middle Ages, vol. ii., p. 401.

A VISIT AT DERBY.

1839.

To Lieut.-Gen. Sir Edward Kerrison, Bart.

[Extract.]

Derby, Dec. 4, 1839.

Being now at Derby, I desired to see the house which was dwelt in by Prince Charlie, and where he found the final term of his daring enterprise, We have paid it a visit this morning-the very anniversary, as it might be called, of the young Adventurer's own arrival, for it was on Wednesday, the 4th of December, 1745, that he and his Highlanders marched into this town. But these dates, though they seem the same, are not really so, since the one depends on the Old Style and the other on the New.

The house where the Prince took up his quarters was at that time the property of the Earl of Exeter, but now belongs to Mr. Mousley. He is agent to Lord Chesterfield's estates in this county; and my Chesterfield cousinship obtained for us a cordial welcome and a complete inspection. The house stands in Fall Street, near the Market Place; on one side a small triangular court, which fronts the street; on the other side a long

garden stretching down to the river. At the end of this garden there was formerly a ferry; and it is recorded by the tradition of the place that it was over this ferry that Prince Charles took his way on the morning of his retreat, the 6th of December, mounted his horse in the meadow beyond, and rode back over the stone bridge which stands farther down; his object being, no doubt, by this wide circuit to conceal from the townsmen, and almost perhaps from himself, the fact of his retreat and the direction of his march.

In the garden, close to the old ferry, a fine branching chestnut tree looks down upon the river. It may, I think, have been standing in "the Forty Five,” and was planted in early youth by a gentleman of Derby, who survived till upwards of ninety, and died within twenty years of this time. Mr. Mousley told me that he used to come regularly once every year to the garden, to have a look at his favourite tree, and had more than once described to him Prince Charles, whom he perfectly well remembered at Derby, as a handsome fair-haired young man. He also used to tell this story. During the day the Highlanders staid, the Mayor of the town resolved to pay his respects to their leader. Accordingly he went to Lord Exeter's house-was let in by the Highlander at the gate-and walked up to the top of the stairs. There at the top stood another of "the petticoat men," as the Highlanders at that juncture used to be called in England, and so grimlooking as a little to flurry his Worship's nerves. Thus, when this new-made Master of the Ceremonies asked him, before he threw open the door for his re

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