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qu'elle ne leur laisse pas entendre la voix du reste de l'Europe ; et ne vous en déplaise, c'est ce qui me semble être arrivé aux Whigs d'Angleterre et aux Hollandais quand ils repoussaient la paix d'Utrecht. Mais ces volontés inflexibles, qu'on ne trouvait jadis que dans ces deux Etats libres, on les rencontre de toutes parts aujourd'hui ; la France, les Etats Unis, et dans leur anarchie l'Espagne, le Portugal, et tous les Etats nouveaux nés de leur débris, sont tous intraitables, tous n'écoutant que la voix qui retentit en dedans, la voix qui fortifie tous les préjugés, toutes les animosités, la voix qui empêche toute concession à faire pour le bien de la paix. Aussi je l'avoue je suis fort effrayé de ce qui va se passer.

A moins d'une grande prudence, d'une grande modération, les hostilités vont éclater avec l'Amérique, et votre marine dans le moment actuel vous donne un si prodigieux avantage que vous aurez dans les premiers mois des succès qui feront frémir l'humanité. Peutêtre allez vous brûler New York et trois ou quatre autres grandes villes. C'est là votre plus grand danger, car en ruinant les Américains vous ne les subjuguerez pas, mais en même temps que vous vous ruinerez vous mêmes en détruisant votre commerce avec eux vous exciterez un tel ressentiment chez les neutres que peut-être malgré eux les Gouvernements du Continent prendront part à la guerre. Depuis longtemps il existe des jalousies et des animosités croissantes contre l'Angleterre; c'est un funeste héritage que vous a laissé le dernier Ministère et qu'il a grossi avec une indiscrétion bien coupable.

Je suis bien flatté du témoignage d'attention pour ce que je pouvais dire que vous avez bien voulu m'attirer de Sir Robert Peel." C'est bien sincèrement que je fais des vœux pour ses succès, car se sera de la sagesse de ses mesures que dépendra notre tranquillité presque notre existence à tous.

J'espère si ma santé n'empire pas, àvoir ici à une année terminé mon grand ouvrage. Il aura 29 volumes de texte et un de tables. Il est dejà tout esquissé. . . . Venez donc ici My Lord, l'année prochaine prendre les volumes qui vous manquent, car je ne sais comment vous les envoyer. Venez, que j'aie encore une fois le plaisir de vous entendre avant de mourir.

Votre dévoué serviteur,
J. C. L. DE SISMONDI.

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M. de Sismondi wrote to me once more on the following 27th of February, and did not long survive the date of that last letter. He died at Chesnes, June 25, 1842, at the age of 69. S.

" To whom the preceding letter had been shown.

MR. HALLAM ON ENGLISH POLITICS.
1841–1845.

My correspondence with Mr. Hallam was very full and unreserved, and it continued for upwards of twenty years—from 1835 to 1856. Here it is designed to offer only a few extracts, which may yet suffice to show, whether or not we agree in his conclusions on all points, the upright spirit and discriminating judgment which that eminent writer applied, not only to the events of bygone ages, but also to contemporary politics. These extracts are all derived from his letters during Sir Robert Peel's last administration, and bear a remarkable testimony to the character and conduct of that great statesman. S.

Mr. Hallam to Lord Mahon.
Brighton, Oct. 13, 1841.

I perfectly agree with you that Peel has shown admirable judgment in the disposal of offices. Not exactly, as you say, that I think each man selected for his aptitude for the post. But we must look on Peel as a Minister who has to consult the claims of his followers. . . . As to the probable result, I look forward as

favourably as you do. And you may remember that I have several times differed from you at the beginning of a Session as to the duration of the last Ministry, which I always held to be more secure than you did; so that I may take more credit for my present judgment. . . . . One thing is clear to me, that Peel is safe for this Parliament; and considering his great prudence, and the disunion of his adversaries, I do not see much probability of a reaction in public opinion, so as to destroy his majority in the next. At the same time, it is only a majority of ninety, which, though perhaps better for him in some respects than if it had been double, is liable to contingencies. The permanent danger is from the continual growth of population, and its accumulation in great towns, and the consequent pressure of distress. The repeal of the Corn Laws would, I believe, give but a temporary relief, and even aggravate the disease. But it will probably be expedient to modify the present duties, which have always struck me as rather too high. It is particularly difficult to resist the natural prejudice in favour of buying subsistence when you can get it; and this question, so newly taken up, will be the strength of the Opposition. I do not, therefore, when I speak of looking favourably on the present state of things, or to be more accurate, of their looking favourably, mean to dissemble that I see great cause for apprehension at a period not distant in the sense in which we apply “distant period” to nations, but beyond that short time on which we usually calculate the duration of a Ministry. I dare not say that I think the country safe

for twenty years from some great crisis; but I do not think one will occur before 1850. The remark you make that the world is likely to be more indulgent to governments in inevitable difficulties than formally, seems to be very just, and another is allied to it; that as Sir Robert Peel is rather esteemed than idolized, they will not expect wonders from him, and be better satisfied with that fair and sensible administration he is likely to give them. Do you remember a description in Gibbon of a battle in the Archipelago between the Genoese and Venetian fleets? The Emperor lent a few galleys to one side or the other; but, says Gibbon, the weight of the Roman Empire was hardly felt in the scales of the rival Republics. Is not this like the English Monarchy in the late contest of Whigs and Tories? Was its weight felt for a moment? This opens a great field for political reflection, but I will not start new game, lest I should make you throw this into the fire. But when your party are called Tories, and I look at the effect of some late divisions on the Monarchy, I must cry out—

“Through this the well-beloved Brutus stabbed.”

I shall twit Inglis with this, who affects the name of Tory. As for me, I am an old Whig, and so must every Stanhope be.

Ryde, August 31, 1842.

I do not quite know what to think of the Northern insurrection. It does not assume a very political com

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