ment considered it so dangerous to social order and good morals, that the supporters of it were disarmed. Rev. Mr. Cotton of Boston, and Governor Vane, favored the opinions of these fanatics, for some time, before they proceeded so far as to require the interference of the civil government. Their apology was, that divine grace was magnified by their creed. But it is probable, that the deluded persons withheld their opinions from Mr. Cotton, to the extent which they confessed them to others. Their opinions tended to the most revolting antinomianism; and all that was required by them to be a christian and a spiritual person, was a feeling and a belief of justification by a sovereign act of the Deity. Governor Winthrop, Rev. Mr. Wilson, and most others of the clergy, opposed and censured this opinion, as dangerous to the purity of the churches, and directly contrary to the plain declarations of the gospel. These were therefore denounced as legal preachers, while Mr. Cotton, and few others, were said to preach the doctrines of grace. When Mr. Bulkley was settled at Concord, in 1636, he was condemned by these high spiritual professors, as teaching a covenant of works, and some declined assisting in his instalment on that account; and yet he was the writer of a pamphlet entitled, "The Gospel Covenant of Grace." The Rev. Mr. Hooker exerted a salutary influence at this time. He expressed doubts of the benefits of a synod, to settle religious disputes, from an apprehension that party feeling and prejudice would have an undue influence in the decision. And Governor Winthrop insisted, that the appeal should be to the scriptures; and his prudence and firmness maintained a good degree of order and peace. Indeed, the Bible was professedly made the standard by all; but each sect claimed to decide what it taught, and condemned such as differed from them.

The men, who first settled Plymouth and Massachusetts, were friends of human learning, and early made provision for the education of youth. Of the Massachusetts company, a great portion were well educated men, and they considered human knowledge essential, or highly important for the public teachers of religion. The number of learned men among them was as great, in proportion to the whole population, as in any part of England, at that period. It was only a few fanatical persons, and those not among the men of influence, who supposed that religion did not need able and learned advocates.

In 1636, the general court granted £400 for the support of the school at Cambridge; and in 1638, Rev. Mr. Harvard, of Charlestown, bequeathed half of his estate, being about £800, to the same seminary. It soon after received the name of Harvard

College; and the government frequently afforded it pecuniary aid, to induce men of learning to become teachers, and to qualify youth to maintain the peace and honor of the colony. At a later period, provision was made, at the college, for giving a classical education to such of the Indian youth as were disposed to receive it. Nor was it long (1646) before laws were enacted for the support of public schools in all the towns within the jurisdiction of Massachusetts.

By the provident care of the government, an order was early made for arming the freemen, and training them for military service. A laudable spirit prevailed, in this respect, among the most eminent characters. An artillery corps was formed in 1688, composed of men of property and influence in the colony, which has been continued, under the name of the Ancient and Honorable Artillery Company. There was an application for an act of incorporation of the company in 1639, but it was not granted; yet it had the approbation and support of the government. In 1639 two regiments of militia, of five hundred men each, were formed, and paraded with great show; one of which was commanded by the governor, and the other by the deputy governor, in person.

There was early a jealousy, on the part of the parent government, of the growing power of Massachusetts; and it was often pretended, that the colony had assumed authority incompatible with a due subjection to England. Evidences of this disposition have already been noticed. In 1638, at the instance of the attorney general, urged, no doubt, by those particularly inimical to the colony, or the advocates for arbitrary power in the parent state, a writ of quo warranto was issued, by order of the Lord Commissioners for foreign plantations; requiring the proprietors, or patentees, of Massachusetts Bay, to surrender their charter, on the plea of having exceeded the powers granted, and of abusing the royal grace. Those who were in England appeared, and judgment was rendered against them. Governor Winthrop was served with a similar process; but he did not appear nor answer, except that the general court, through his influence, probably, forwarded a petition to his majesty; in which they referred to the powers granted by their charter, which they alleged they had not abused nor exceeded; that the colony would be greatly injured, and the people deprived of the rights and privileges of Englishmen, if the charter were resigned, and the arbitrary will of officers in England were to govern; and praying the forbearance and clemency of his majesty. Either the Lords Commissioners were satisfied with the statement, or the political disputes and divisions in England,

at the time, prevented further proceedings on this subject. Some clauses in the royal charter for a government in Massachusetts, as before stated, gave large powers; and the rulers of the colony were always ready to exercise them to the full extent. The object of the English government, invariably, was to prevent the exercise of powers not clearly given, and even to interpret the charter more unfavorably to the authority to the colony than the people here admitted; or to recall the first charter, and substitute another calculated to keep the colonists in entire subjection, and under the constant control of Parliament; or, perhaps, to allow no charter; leaving the inhabitants to the capricious will and pleasure of the favorites of the

crown.

The colonists claimed all power proper for an entirely separate government, except that their laws should not be repugnant to England, and a recognition of dependence on the crown; which, as they construed it, seemed not to prevent their exercise of the highest civil powers; while the political characters in the parent country admitted the power, only to make necessary local regulations, and insisted on the right of appeal in all cases, to the decision of the king or parliament. This difference of opinion, and this contest, continued for nearly ten years, when the disputes in England, between the friends of royalty and the advocates for civil liberty, prevented much attention to the conduct of the colonies. The opposers of Charles I. were generally friendly to the government and leading men in Massachusetts. Yet, in 1650, when some of them advised the governor and assistants to solicit political favors of the parliament, they declined; from the consideration, that, if they put themselves under the protection of the British government, it might become necessary to be subject, in all cases, to such laws as it might afterwards impose; which, in the end, would probably prove highly prejudicial to the rights of the colony. There was a constant assertion, from an early period of the settlement of Massachusetts, of a right to the liberties of Englishmen, and of political authority, as granted in their charter, for self government.

Within the first ten years of the settlement, by Winthrop and his company, the colony was well supplied with mechanics and artificers; and cattle were so numerous, as to be sold for less than half the sum demanded in the three years 16301633. The manufacture of linen and woollen cloths was

* The dispute was soon after revived, however, in time of Charles I. and his successors; nor did it in fact long sleep at any future period; but broke out with more power and effect in 1770.

encouraged by the General Court, at this period. The breed of sheep was also an object of attention; flax was grown in many parts of the colony, and cotton was imported from the W. Indies. In the same period, there were eighteen churches formed in the colony, and nine in Plymouth; and were supplied with able and learned pastors.

In the early days of the colony, the clergy had great influence, even in political affairs; but it was used, most frequently, only at the request of the civil authority, instead of being exerted in opposition to, or in derogation of it. Their literary and moral character entitled them to consideration, even in political concerns; and they proved themselves the friends of social order and civil liberty. If they sometimes assumed to control the laity in matters of religion, it was from mistaken rather than ambitious views; believing that they had discovered the whole truth of God's word, they felt themselves bound to teach and maintain it. Mr Cotton, of Boston, was often consulted on political subjects, and seems to have been ready always to give his advice, and exert his influence. He was requested to assist in preparing a code of laws for the colony; and with the aid of Sir Henry Vane, while he was governor, a system was drawn up, but not published till several years after. Capital punishments were provided for many crimes; and the levitical law was made the basis of the code.

The first printing press in Massachusetts was put in operation in Cambridge, in 1639. It was the property of the widow and heirs of Rev. Mr. Glover, who had been engaged by Governor Winslow, of Plymouth, for a religious teacher in that place. Glover died while preparing for, or on the passage from England, and the press was worked by one Day, for the benefit of his family. The press, soon after, passed into the hands of Samuel Greene; and among the first books or pamphlets printed, were an almanac for New England, and a metrical version of the Psalms of David.

As the colonists had prepared no formal constitution of civil government, and the charter contained only general expressions of a grant of power to the company, it is not to be wondered, that, for some time, there were disputes, as to the division and distribution of power, among the magistrates, and the people. The company was, indeed, organized in England; for its members were too wise to attempt any acts of a corporation or society, without a compact, and some general rules and regulations. How they proceeded, for several years, after the first settlement of the colony, has been briefly narrated. For three years, the governor and assistants exercised both legislative

and judicial authority; the people using no power but that of the election of those rulers. In 1634, the people not only chose the assistants and the governor, but selected some of their number, in every town, to form a legislative assembly, in conjunction with the others. They soon assumed to control the assistants, by requiring them to yield to their wishes and proposals, and claimed authority to sit as a judicial tribunal. This was resisted, not only by the assistants, but by most of the clergy, and many others who were the most discreet characters among the laity. Notwithstanding the claims of the freemen, or of their deputies, rather, the small body of assistants with the governor had the power to give a negative to any bill from the house of representatives; so that no law or order was perfect without their concurrence.* It was also settled, that the representatives should have no power as a judicial tribunal, except in so far, as their own privileges were concerned, or to act on petitions for new trials.†

While Vane was governor, there was a proposition for a standing or permanent council, to consist of the governor and two members of the board of assistants. Mr. Cotton favored the proposition; probably from his great regard for Vane. No evil had resulted from this measure for three years. But it was not agreeable to all the deputies of the people; and yet the only peculiar authority they possessed, was to act as an executive body, when the board was not in session. The assistants yielded so far, as to explain, "that it was intended the standing council should be chosen from the assistants, and that no member of that council was to have power as a magistrate, unless also annually chosen into the board of assistants." The assistants took part, with the deputies, in all acts of legislation; and they also constituted the courts of law; though some discreet and intelligent men were appointed, in all the large towns, to act as justices or judges, in the origin of most disputes.

Mr. Dudley, who had been governor one year, and generally, the deputy governor, was again elected chief magistrate in 1640; and Mr. Bellingham was chosen the deputy. Dudley was a man of great integrity and piety, but bigoted and intolerant

*It would appear, by this dispute, that the board of assistants and the deputies set in separate apartments; but it was not till 1644, that they held their meetings in different rooms; and yet it is evident that they must have acted as two distinct bodies.

+ Lechford, who complained of the magistrates and clergy in Massachusetts, in 1640, as severe and intolerant, says, "wiser men than they, going into a wilderness to set up a government different from that established in England, would probably have fallen into greater errors than they have done."