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found to be so salutary. As to the ten'dency of such sports, he could state the case of a boy, who, from attending at dog-fights, and mixing with the society there, became perverted in character, and lost to every useful purpose in society. He was less fortunate than the hon. baronet opposite, for his morals were corrupted. Mr. Brougham wished to ask his hon. friend, whether he had ever taken the trouble to analyse the component parts of the company at a horse race?

The House then divided: Ayes, 18; Noes, 47.


Thursday, May 22. AUSTRIA AND SWITZERLAND.] The Marquis of Lansdown said, he would beg leave to ask the noble earl opposite, whether any communication had been made to him of any treaty, convention, or stipulation for the military occupation of Switzerland by the Austrian army. He was not enabled to state that such an arrangement had been concluded; but it was reported throughout the country that such was the case, and even that the treaty was signed in March last. It could not escape their lordships, that this was a question of the highest importance to the affairs of Europe, and one on which it was particularly necessary the House should be informed.

The Earl of Liverpool said, he had never even heard of the report to which the noble marquis alluded, until within the last half hour from the noble marquis himself. After that, it was hardly neces sary for him to say that he had no knowledge, either personal or official, of any treaty, convention, or stipulation, of the nature stated by the noble marquis.


Thursday, May 22. STANDING ORDER RESPECTING BILLS ON TRADE.] Mr. Huskisson said, he had given notice yesterday that he meant to call the attention of the House this evening, to the objection which had been taken against proceeding with any bill intended for the regulation of trade, unless the subject were first referred to a select committee, in conformity with the Standing Order of that House, agreed to on the 23d of June, 1820. After the best consideration he could give the subject, it

appeared to him impossible that the true meaning of the standing order could be such as was contended for yesterday. It evidently applied to cases where parliament were about to restrain trade by some additional statutory regulations. Now, the object of the bill which he had brought in was not to restrain trade, but to throw it open. He might infer from the history of that standing order, that such was the intent and meaning of the House in adopting it, as well as of the hon. gentleman who was the mover of it. It was true, in common parlance, if a person said he would take away certain restrictions, it might be affirmed that he was regulating_that_to which those restrictions applied. But such was not the feeling of the House when the order of June 20 was proposed. How did the matter stand with respect to this particular case? Some years ago, the House had, by a particular bill, imposed certain regulations on the silk trade, and those regulations they were now about to remove. Surely that could not justly be called regulating a trade, but taking away all the regulations. If the house intended to extend the Spitalfields act to every part of the country, that would be imposing new restraints; and, in the language of parliament, regulating the trade. There the order would apply. But what was there in this bill to regulate trade, when, by it, all regulations were to be removed? On examining the Journals, he had found, that in the very week after the adoption of this standing order, there were half a dozen bills in progress through the House, all of which went to regulate trade; one related to the bounty on salt, another to the stamping of linen, &c.; none of which were previously referred to a select committee. The old standing order was a vefy different thing. It directed, that no bill for regulating trade generally, should be brought before the House, until the subject had been considered by a committee of the whole House, and their report had been made thereon. What situation, then, would they be placed in, if the interpretation now sought to be given to the order of 1820 were correct? Why, after a committee of the whole House had examined a question, and reported that certain alterations were necessary, it must be again referred to a select committee, to inquire whether that which had been agreed to by the committee of the whole House, was or was not proper. They had, for instance, a committee on trade.

That committee had made a voluminous report to the House on the warehousing system, &c. A committee of the whole House had adopted their suggestions; but now, upon this new principle, these subjects were to be referred to a committee up stairs. Such a proceeding would be an utter absurdity. But this order went still further. The bill, according to it, could not be read the first time, before it was examined by a select committee. So that before individuals were acquainted with its provisions, before it was known what the committee were to inquire into, it was to be sent up stairs! This order was most objectionable. It was impossible to carry on the business of parliament, if they were, in the first instance, to act on the old standing order, and afterwards on the new one. The hon. member for Yorkshire, to whom they owed this admirable application of the standing order, had told them triumphantly of a bill which he had caused to be referred to a committee up stairs. But that bill was so referred, because it affected the interest of particular parties. It could not have been referred to a committee in conformity with this standing order, because it had been read a first time. To find out what the true meaning of the standing order was, he would propose to refer it to a select committee, who should be instructed also to report, whether it was fitting that a standing order, which had remained a dead letter since its formation, should be suffered to continue on the order-book. The right hon. gentleman then moved, "That the said order be referred to a select committee; and that they do report their opinion, whether the same is applicable to bills for taking off restrictions or regulations imposed by any act of parliament upon the manner of conducting any trade, and as to the expediency of the said order being continued as a standing order of this House."

Mr. Stuart Wortley contended, that this order was introduced for the very purpose to which it was now applied; namely, to prevent any new regulation, or any alteration being made in the laws which related to trade, without due notice being given to the parties concerned, so that they might be heard at the bar. The old order applied to regulations respecting foreign trade and the general commercial policy of government; but the new one referred to the regulation of any branch of our domestic trade. There was a bill

now on their table relating to the stamping of linen, which showed the necessity of this order. Many persons in Scotland connected with the linen manufacture were, he understood, dissatisfied with that measure. It was supposed, that an intention existed to throw the monopoly of that trade into the hands of the great capitalists. He did not say that that was the fact; but certainly those who complained had a right to be heard on the subject. He had no objection to the standing order being referred to a committee, who, he had no doubt, would view its meaning as he did.

Mr. D. Browne defended the standing. order, and argued that its provisions ought to be complied with. In that part of the empire from which he came, he had never heard any person say, that the taking off the stamp from linen would not be ruinous.

The Chancellor of the Exchequer said, the standing order in question was introduced, not to prevent parliament from removing restraints on trade, but to prevent them from suddenly, unwisely, and improvidently imposing restraints on it. If, when it was before the House, he had imagined, that it would hinder them from taking away restrictions, he would have opposed it, instead of giving it his support. [Hear.]

Sir R. Fergusson said, he was in correspondence with every part of Scotland in which the linen trade was carried on, and he had not heard a voice raised against the measure introduced by the right hon. gentleman.

Mr. Calcraft contended, that the standing order was imperative. Why not, then, yield to it, and particularly when the object was, to promote a bill which seemed to give general approbation? The right hon. gentleman said, that this order was a most indiscreet tampering with the right principles of trade. He was glad to find this new light broken in upon him, and was sorry it had not shed its rays before he introduced his naval and military pensions' bill. The right hon. gentleman might take credit perhaps for having given up the lottery; but the fact was, that the lottery had given him up. The current report was, that the usual contractors had lost so much money by the scheme, that they would have nothing more to do with it. Unless some doubt could be fairly thrown upon the words of the standing order, why refer it to a committee?

The Chancellor of the Exchequer said, that as to the lottery, the only thing that had occurred was a five minutes' hesitation on the part of the lottery-officekeepers, whether they would bid or not. Mr. Brougham was ready to give the principal members of his majesty's government some credit for the adoption of more liberal principles respecting trade. He considered the present bill just, necessary, and expedient. He rejoiced in the conversion of ministers to these principles; particularly in the conversion of the right hon. gentleman (Mr. Huskisson); and still more in that of themore illustrious convert near him (the chancellor of the exchequer). The former, it was true, had always entertained liberal opinions upon such matters, without acting upon them; but there was no saint in the calendar whose conversion was more marvellous than that of the chancellor of the exchequer. That right hon. gentleman had on a proposition on the subject of free trade, passed to the order of the day. With reference to the standing order, he thought it would be better to refer it to a committee.

Lord Milton asked, whether it would not be the shorter course at once to give a select committee upon the bill, rather than on the standing order?

Mr. Ricardo was glad to see this contest for the adoption of liberal principles in matters of trade. He hoped they would persevere in getting rid of such obnoxious and impolitic regulations.

from the persecution of their own govern. ments-these allies were said to be engag ed in measures towards Switzerland, which, if all, or even any part of them were founded, furnished serious cause of alarm at the present crisis. He wished to ask, if any, and what communications had been made by the Austrian government to the cantons of Switzerland-at least, to one or more, if not to all of them-having for its object, the imposition of material changes in the internal condition of these cantons. One of these changes was said to be, the offer of the protectorate of an Austrian archduke; and, that Austria was willing to extend her care to the Swiss states, not only politically, but ecclesiastically-that she wished to assume spiritual, as well as temporal jurisdiction over them, and to dictate a change in the ecclesiastical constitution of the cantons, by nominating the Catholic bishops in these Protestant states. This alteration, if not insisted upon, had, he had heard, at least been proposed. The cession of Geneva to the king of Sardinia was also mentioned as a part of the new propositions. The whole, or a part of these demands had, as he was informed, been communicated to the French government, and they were asked, if they would like to see the influence and power of Austria predominate in Switzerland. The reply of the French government was, as he understood, that certainly it was against their wishes, their interest, and their ancient policy, to see such a predominating power established in Switzerland; but it was still less their wish to see such a neigh

Mr. Canning thought, that the best course would be at once to settle the application of this standing order, by re-bouring territory as it now was, the focus ferring it to a committee.

The motion was agreed to, and a committee appointed.

of jacobinism. These were the reports which had reached him, and he had, since he entered the House, heard that a noble person had in another place, inquired wheAUSTRIA AND SWITZERLAND.] Mr. ther his majesty's government were inBrougham said, that seeing the right hon. formed of any treaty signed last March, secretary for foreign affairs in his place, by the three allied powers, upon which he wished to ask him a question, founded was founded the intended military occuupon intelligence which had reached him pation of Switzerland by Austria. His from sources which, if not authentic, were information did not go so far as this treaat least entitled to great attention. His ty, or the military occupation said to be information related to alleged occurrences founded upon it: but, even the least part respecting Switzerland, and was a further of the lesser statement, if founded in fact, apparent development of the system of was much too much. It showed clearly the holy alliance. Notwithstanding all the character of the allied powers, and that the Swiss cantons had done to court gave a foretaste of the bitter fruits of the the favour and avert the anger of the al-policy of this country, in abdicating the lied powers, by refusing a domicile with- power of using an effectual interposition in their territory to those political refu- for the maintenance of international freegees who sought an asylum within them dom.

He was anxious to conclude the proceedings, but he felt it his duty, on the part of the sheriff, to conduct the defence to a conclusion.

Mr. Canning said, that if the least part | of the lesser statement of the hon. and learned gentleman was much too much, it might be a satisfaction to him to know, that that least part was much more than his majesty's government were informed


THE GREEKS AND TURKS.] Mr. Hume said, it had been reported that British cruisers had upon several occasions of late not respected the Greek flag, in the actual blockade of some Turkish ports, and had gone so far as to compel Greek ships to give up English vessels which they had taken in the act of conveying supplies to Turkish forts. He hoped that, at least, the British Government would act an equal part between the Grecks and Turks in the present contest. Mr. Secretary Canning said, that in one or two instances the government had been inforined of a violation of the Greek blockade; but that, in one instance especially, which came to their knowledge a fortnight ago, they had immediately sent out most positive orders, that the British cruisers should respect alike the blockades of both powers [Hear!].

SHERIFF OF DUBLIN-INQUIRY INTO HIS CONDUCT.] Sir Robert Heron said, he thought it would be convenient for the House, and a measure that would relieve very many individuals from much anxiety and inconvenience, if the House would name some definitive period for consider. ing the order of the day on this matter. There were upwards of fifty witnesses in town, at a great expense to the public, and much inconvenience to themselves; and several of them, perhaps, with little public advantage, and little probability of being asked many questions. He did not wish to anticipate any interrogatories which hon. gentlemen might be disposed to put to them; but every one, who had at all attended to the course of this inquiry, must have observed how languidly it went on. At present, there appeared no chance of again pursuing the inquiry on any but a very distant day. Under these circumstances he wished the House to come to some decision; so that the inquiry might either cease at once, or be brought to a speedy determination.

Colonel Barry said, that however it might appear to the hon. baronet, the fact was, that the last day's proceedings had elicited matter of the greatest importance.

Sir R. Heron disclaimed any intention of reflecting on the mode in which the right hon. gentleman had conducted the inquiry. Would Monday next be an inconvenient day for resuming it?

Mr. Abercromby could not help saying that the House had been placed in a very unpleasant situation in this business. It had been conducted in a manner very unlikely to attain the ends of justice, but much calculated to produce inconvenience and expense to the public. At the suggestion of ministers, all public business had, for a time, given way to this inquiry. At the same time, he hoped the matter would not be allowed to die a natural death, but would henceforth be prosecuted with vigour.

Mr. Grattan thought it highly expedient that the House should come to a decision upon this important question as speedily as possible; because, independently of the inconvenience which it occasioned to the House, it was productive of much irritation in Dublin.

Colonel Barry said, that he himself had never postponed the inquiry a single day.

Mr. Calcraft thought, that if the right hon. gentleman would propose to go to the order of the day, that would soon bring the business to an issue.

Colonel Barry said, that from the first of these proceedings, he had never once moved the order of the day. The inquiry had been brought on by gentlemen on the other side, and it was for them to move the order of the day upon it.

Mr. Calcraft said, he would then tomorrow, at an early hour, move the order of the day on this inquiry, and take the sense of the House upon the matter. The present course of the proceeding was quite intolerable.

HALF PAY OF THE ARMY IN IRELAND.] General Gascoyne, in rising to submit a motion "for an Address to his Majesty, praying that he would direct that the warrant of the 6th of March last, be reconsidered, and that payment to Halfpay officers resident in Ireland be paid in British currency," said, he was aware that to induce the Crown to exert its interference in this case, very strong grounds must be laid for such an address. He

begged to assure his noble friend (Lord tail those measures of economy which Palmerston), that by this motion he meant they were constantly insisting upon in not to impute anything to him which principle. He recollected well, that the might seem to derogate from his well- gallant officer had, on one occasion, voted known ability and zeal in the discharge of in support of an augmentation of the pay his official duties. As the regulation at of the army, and on a subsequent occapresent existed, residence in Ireland alone sion had said, that he thought the liberaliconstituted the ground of distinction made ty of parliament had exceeded the bounds between officers on half-pay in Ireland, of discretion. With respect to the partiand half-pay officers in any other country. cular case before the House, the princiSo far from officers in Ireland being paid ple on which officers on half-p f-pay were in an inferior currency, they ought rather paid (whether in Irish or British currento have a bounty given them for expend- cy) was founded on the accident of the ing their half-pay among their own coun- regiment being in England or in Ireland at trymen. Suppose the case of two officers the time that the officer retired. The same in the same regiment, and each having rule was observed with respect to the prithe misfortune to lose a limb: he who re- vate soldier. It appeared to him that there tired to Ireland was, in fact, to receive was no sense whatever in the practice; the less allowance, because he chose to but the question was, how was it to be alreside in Ireland. Could anything be tered? It might be proper to destroy the more unjust, than that a sort of penalty distinction of currency-it might be well should attach to him who retired to his to pay all half-pay officers and privates in native home? The saving to be effected the same currency; but it appeared to by this arrangement was very small: he him to follow as the inevitable conse understood it amounted to 7,800l. in the quence, that the full pay should be paid whole; but when the chancellor of the in the same currency also. Now the difexchequer had so recently given up taxes ference of expence would amount to to the amount of hundreds of thousands 127,000., and in time of war to 237,000l. of pounds, in order to induce and encou- The principle on which the regulation of rage residence in Ireland, surely this ar- March had been founded was established rangement was most impolitic. The case in the year 1815. That principle placed was one of greater severity, when it was all officers on half-pay, residing in Ire considered, that while officers on our land, on the same footing, and entitled half-pay, who entered into the service of them to their half-pay in Irish currency any of the foreign powers-and perhaps only. He could not, under all the cir those who were allied against the rising cumstances, consent to alter that regula liberties of Spain-were paid in British tion; because, if the half-pay were to be currency, Ireland alone was the invidious paid in British currency, the full pay, in exception, which subjected them to the his opinion, would be clearly entitled to loss arising from a depreciated currency. British currency also. He would, howIf the regulation was meant to be defend- ever, so far acquiesce in the object of his ed on the ground, that the superior cheap- hon. friend, as to exempt all the officers ness of provisions in Ireland was to be resident in Ireland, who had formerly reconsidered, the principle ought to be car-ceived their half-pay in British currency. ried further, and extended to those who lived in Wales, or in any other part of the empire where the necessaries of life were sold at a reasonable rate. He would move, "That an humble address be presented to his majesty, that he will be graciously pleased to direct that the warrant of the 6th of March last be re-considered; and that payment to Half-pay officers of the army and marines resident in Ireland (together with pensions and allowances) be continued to be paid in British currency, as heretofore."

Lord Palmerston said, that the House ought to take care not to be led away by individual cases, and to neutralize in de

He was willing to consent that they should be allowed in future to receive their half-pay in the same currency. The inconvenience to officers' widows was excessive, as they had to remove, for the receipt of their pensions, according to the destination of the regiment, with which they might no longer have any connexion.

After a short conversation, general Gascoyne consented to withdraw his motion.

EAST AND WEST INDIA SUGARS.Mr. W. Whitmore, in rising to bring forward the motion of which he had

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