THE POLITICAL POWER OF THE POPE.

"The Romish Church has always ranged herself on the side of Despotism."-GUIZOT.

Ir has lately become the fashion for party men and journalists to assert that the influence of the Papal See on political affairs no longer exists; that history proves her power to have been on the wane during many past years; that the march of intellect and spread of education have forced her to relinquish coercive power; and that the resumption of her former influence is impossible. We are constantly told by prelates, priests, and politicians, that the supremacy of the Pope in temporal affairs "is not an established doctrine of the Roman Church; it is simply a sententia in ecclesia—an unadjudicated question, without positive authority, and incumbent upon no one's faith; that a Romanist may believe what he pleases on the subject, and be a good Churchman still." Those, on the contrary, who, relying on the authority of the Fathers of that Church, receiving the declarations of the priesthood themselves, and accepting the explanation of the Roman press, maintain a different opinion, are accused of bigotry, and intolerance, or stigmatized as enemies to liberty. It becomes us, therefore, to examine these pretensions, and, having seen their import in other ages, to inquire if they have been relinquished, or, as is strenuously urged, become obsolete.

In order to a full appreciation of this momentous question, a glance at the origin and progress of Papal assumption is necessary, so that a full idea of the arrogance of Rome may be realized.

Systems which are longest in their growth, are most lasting in their effects. This is peculiarly the case with that politico-religious organization-Romanism: commencing in the first centuries of the

Christian era-a period when the whole known world was in a state of transition—it has steadily progressed from infancy to robust manhood: accurately observing cause and effect, it quickly learnt to control events, and mould men and monarchies to its will. What was originally conferred as a favor, it quickly arrogated as a right; and, when princes remonstrated, or jurists denied its claims, forgery was resorted to in defence of its usurpations, and absolution and preferment were the rewards of assassins who removed its opponents.

In the struggle between the Eastern and Western Empires, the See of Rome early rejected the Byzantine yoke, thus asserting a right to resist governments. In becoming temporal princes, the Popes declared that a union could exist between the temporal and spiritual; and, at the election of Pepin to the throne of France, arrogated the power of umpires in political disputes. Thus, gradually establishing authority by precedent, the Papacy matured its policy, until Hildebrand placed a climax on the growth of six centuries.*

This famous Pontiff is regarded by all historians as the master mind of his age, and the architect of the Romish Church. His great antagonist, Henry IV., Emperor of Germany, found the armies of the empire powerless against the Eternal City, and was compelled to listen to the Pope as he fulminated interdicts against his kingdom, and excommunication against himself. Nor did the Papal emissaries confine their operations merely to Germany. In England, they imposed and collected taxes without the consent of the authorities, and frequently raised insurrections by their extortions. So extravagant became their demands in France, that the civil power was forced to interfere, and St. Louis decreed the "Pragmatic Sanction," curbing the power of the Papacy in his kingdom. In fact, monarchy was in rebellion, and what could not be acquired by force, Rome resolved to gain by wiles.

The thirteenth century saw the struggle commence between the people and Feudalism. But the Papacy early understood that Liberty would be death to its pretensions, and therefore allied itself with

* Gregory VII., A. D. 1078.

Tyranny. The Barons, who had extorted MAGNA CHARTA from John, were excommunicated by the Pope, and a war of extermination commenced against the Albigenses. This people, in the enjoyment of political and religious freedom, were under the protection of the Count of Toulouse, who, on his refusal to abet the designs of the Papacy, was excommunicated, and his destruction resolved upon.

Every expedient was resorted to in order to detach their protectors from this unfortunate people; and the Pope showed the policy of Rome towards her opponents, in the following memorable words:

“We advise you, according to the precepts of the Apostle Paul, to use cunning in your dealings with the Count, which, in the present case, should rather be deemed prudence. It is expedient to at tack those separately who have broken the unity of the Church; to spare the Count of Thoulouse for a season, treating him with wise dissimulation, in order that the other heretics may be more easily destroyed, and that we may crush him at our leisure when he stands alone."

But treachery was not the only weapon which Romanism found useful to adopt. Henry VII., Emperor of Germany, was assassinated by order of Pope Clement V., poison being administered to him in the Eucharist, from the hands of his Dominican confessor. But crimes become virtues in a creed which asserts the maxim-" The end justifies the means."

Religion has always given place to policy when Romanism has been forced to an alternative. The Duke of Guise was assassinated by order of his sovereign; yet, notwithstanding his opposition to the Huguenots of France, and his being the leader of the Romanist party, the Pope justified the assassination on the ground of political expediency. But the most memorable instance of Papal duplicity is shown in the treatment of Philip II. of Spain, one of the greatest supporters of the Romish See that history can produce. Rome, however, feared his power, and secretly sought the alliance of Elizabeth

*Pope Innocent III. to the Abbot of Citeaux.

of England, advising her to assist the insurgents against Philip's authority in the Netherlands. When this sovereign had resolved on war with England, the Pope sent information to Elizabeth of the plan forming for her destruction, together with copies of letters he had received from the king relative to the Armada. The whole history of the Papacy is full of such instances as these; and neither succeeding centuries nor the progress of civilization have produced a change.

The history of Westphalia, in 1649, was the triumph of Protestantism and free opinions. The Papacy then ceased to have any direct political influence in the affairs of Europe; henceforward it was no longer to maintain authority by the aid of arms and the civil power; but to struggle for present existence and prospective influence by craft and cunning. It may be said of this system

"It was not for an age, but for all time."

Romanism has weapons suited to every cycle. It adapts itself to every people; it conforms to and supports every government; but in despotism, monarchy, and republicanism, its aim is still unchanged. Tyrannizing in barbarism, fawning in the sixteenth century, intriguing in the nineteenth. Tolerant where forced, it persecutes where possible. Liberal in England and America, autocratic in Spain and Austria. Truly, "tout chemin mêne à Rome."

The weapons which the Papal hierarchy now wields in free countries, are admirably suited to the organization of its ministers. Celibacy of the priesthood gave power to the Papacy, and maintains its influence. Family and country have no ties on the Romish clergy, and the Popes have always been convinced that celibacy is the great bond which unites all portions of the Papal dominions. Rome therefore enjoys exclusive possession of every feeling which can render her ministers good subjects or good citizens. Pius IV. comprehended the immense value of an unmarried clergy. Though he violently condemned the administration of the eucharist in both kinds, he relaxed "Every road leads to Rome."

the prohibition, at the instance of the Emperor Maximilian, and permitted the cup to be given to the laity in Germany. But on the point of celibacy he was inflexible; for he was justly convinced that it was the great bond by which all the portions of Papal domination were united, and that, if it should be relaxed, the entire edifice would fall in sunder.

A very necessary element of success, is the command of funds; and here the Romish Church is aided by the celibacy of her priesthood. "The clergy is a family which can never perish; its wealth therefore remains with it forever; and, as it is not a family to increase, government should restrict its power of acquiring additional wealth." (Montesquieu.) Rome shows her appreciation of such restrictions, by treating them as sacrilege; and governments, in asserting their independence of Papal tyranny, have found it necessary to first curb its financiering proclivities. A government which neglects legislative enactments on so momentous a subject, will eventually find the Romish Church capable of any resistance, and bidding defiance to the laws.

We are at a loss to understand how men, otherwise far-seeing, can speak of Rome as powerless for evil.. Are any of her means of action restrained? Is she less wealthy? Are her followers materially diminished, or less devoted? Is her alliance with governments perilled? Or has she become meek and lowly, and forgotten her former arrogance In every country we see her bishops and priests leading a strong party, whose alliance is sought, and opinions pandered to, by party-men of different shades of opinion. In England, the Popish Parliamentary league is feared and hated by every ministry. In France, their alliance is gained by the government, in return for almost supreme ecclesiastical power. In Germany, Rome educates in the schools, and Jesuits bear sway in the cabinet. She attempts to arrest the march of freedom in Sardinia, and strives to stifle its rise in Spain. Is it egotism which induces Americans to deny her influence in this republic, and are they blind to passing events in their own country? What, then, is the explanation of demagogues flattering the Papal hierarchy; what the meaning of the riots of our