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WORKS OF THE RIGHT REV. ASHTON OXENDEN, D.D.,
(BISHOP OF MONTREAL.)
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THE VALIDITY OF THE HOLY ORDERS
MAINTAINED AND VINDICATED BOTH THEOLOGICALLY
AND HISTORICALLY, WITH FOOT-NOTES, TABLES OF
By the Rev. FREDERICK GEORGE LEE, D.C.L,
F.S.A., Vicar of All Saints', Lambeth.
Contents: Preface-List of Books quoted or referred to.
CHAPTER L.-Introductory: Statement of the Author's
object. II. The Preface to the Ordinal of 1549. III.
Form for the Ordination of Deacons, 1549. IV. Form
for the Ordination of Priests, 1549. V. Form for the
Consecration of Bishops, 1549. VI. The Edwardine
Ordinal. VII. The Ordinal of King Edward VI.—
Objections. VIII. Ordinal of King Edward VI. in sub-
stantial harmony with the most ancient forms. IX.
Some other ancient forms for Ordination. X. Medieval
forms for Consecration and Ordination in the West.
XI. The same subject continued. XII Eastern forms
of Ordination. XIII. Forms of Ordination in use
amongst the separated communities of the East.
Christians of St. Thomas. XIV. The Nestorians. XV.
Archbishop Matthew Parker. XVI. The Consecration
William Barlow. XVII. The Consecrations of Hodg-
kins, Scory, and Coverdale. XVIII. The Consecra-
tion of Archbishop Parker. XIX. The Nag's Head
Fable. XX. The Case of Bishop Bonner versus Bishop
Horne. XXI. The Sacrament of Baptism. XXII.
The Office of Consecrator and Assistant-Consecrator.
XXIII. The Doctrine of Intention. XXIV. and XXV.
Roman Catholic Testimonies to the Validity of Anglican
Orders. XXVI. The Cases of Certain Anglican Clergy
who have joined the Church of Rome. XXVII.
Concluding Remarks and Summary of the Author's
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THE DEATH OF LORD DERBY.
Nor unexpected, for the limits of the appointed threescore years and ten have been excee led; not unlooked-for, because his physicians had given over all hope of his life nearly a week before he breathed his last; yet the peaceful death of the leading politician in England, a peer renowned for his lineage, rank, high position, Christian nobility, and vast influence, has, nevertheless, come upon us suddenly, and left a vacant position in the political world which it will be the reverse of easy, if not impossible, to fill.
To attempt to give the barest outline of Lord Derby's political and public career is beyond the scope of this brief article. Suffice it to say, that for the last forty years he has been a most prominent exponent of political truth-for the last twenty he has been the leader of the great Tory party. No man for generations past has so completely succeeded in obtaining the unquestioned confidence of those who maintain the great principles of law, order, and authority. Those temporal peers, who are untainted with Whiggery and undefiled by a sham and unlovely "Liberalism," have looked up to him as their natural and proper leader, and have long generously rallied round him as one of the most high principled and unselfish politicians who ever received the seals of office, or served his sovereign with zest and devotion.
When Peel, the cotton spinner's son, in the spirit of a cotton spinner, denounced the principles he had hitherto maintained and betrayed the party he had previously led, the Tories seemed hopelessly disorganized if not permanently broken up. It was reserved for Lord Derby to stand forward in the breach. Conjointly with Lord George Bentinck and Mr. Disraeli, his old party, shattered, scattered and dispirited, Lord Derby most ably succeeded in effecting its re-organization, and so efficiently restored its influence that on three occasions, in 1852, 1859, 1866, the Tories occupied their proper position on the Treasury benches. How much this was brought about by Lord Derby few can adequately tell. On the last occasion three malcontents, short-sighted in their view and intensely narrow in their policy, though professing a superfine breadth, strove to damage the Tory Government bys ecession from it. The Liberal papers were of course delighted at this, and artfully praised the seceders with fulsome laudation. Onlookers regretted that personal dislikes and natural ambition had tended to weaken the Tories. For so it turned out. When the great principle of disestablishment for Ireland was brought forward so as to form a basis of agreement for the Liberal rabble, the Conservative party became divided. There were considerable secessions. The Bishops led the way in breaking up its unity. Archbishop Tait, as was to have been expected, though appointed by Mr. Disraeli, became feeble and stammering in his utterances, and at last turned out to be a mere feeble and broken reed. The Bishop of Oxford, pricked by the neglect of his party, intrigued for an Episcopal schism, and most ably accomplished it. Lord Salisbury and the cynics of the Saturday Review of course rejoiced in the defeat of Mr. Disraeli; for this it was, if not openly, at least efficiently, supported the Gladstonian policy. Hoping to play
the old game of the Aberdeen coalition over again they schemed to weaken the Tories proper. Many Conservatives fell into the trap. Not so Lord Derby and Lord Redesdale. The speech of the former, which it was our melancholy satisfaction to hear, foundedon true and lofty principles, was full of political truth and sage advice. Never was a more trulyneeded warning uttered. "I expect soon to stand before my Maker, and my inmost conscience tells me that my plain and solemn duty is to protest in His name against the injury about to be inflicted on His Church." Though the voice was weak and the frame weaker, yet these words had a terrible force. They were unheeded, they were contemned at the time; but a few months only have served to show that the weighty warning which they contained was sound and true. Let the state of Ireland tell-let the existence of a secret organization show that the robbery of the Irish Church has not in the smallest degree sufficed to satisfy the demagogues and their dupes in that unhappy land. It is now asked that the Fenian traitors so righteously condemned, shall not only be let loose to preach treason and foster sedition once more, but that atonement shall be made by the State for having imprisoned them. "The prisoners ought to be released and amply paid for their sufferings," said a speaker last Sunday in Hyde Park.
We dwell on all this to evidence Lord Derby's great foresight. His stand-point and eminence were lofty; he could see over the mists and dust-clouds of personal political bickerings, and note the bearings of contradictory and dangerous currents upon the wide waste of waters beyond. This men are now discovering for themselves. We trust the discovery when made may not turn out to be disastrous with perplexing disasters, both to themselves and to the State.
Of Lord Derby's high social position we need say no more. He well represented the old principles of the oldest Plantagenet nobles; and again of the high-minded Cavaliers of the Caroline age. Of all that was good, and true, and noble. and of fair report there was found in him at once a marked example and an illustrious defender. As regards his place in literature it was not simply the reverse of mean or unimportant, it was a position high and well recognized. scholarly and poetical version of Homer's great poem, comparing well with those of English masters in the art, will surely live. And this is the highest praise. He fittingly succeeded Wellington as Chancellor of the University of Oxford, and never swerved from adopting that policy which led to his unanimous election to that office.
In the future he will not be forgotten by his countrymen. His name will be ever remembered. Just now the political and social dangers which threaten are great indeed-greater, in truth, than most men care to admit or confess. Those who have sown the wind may soon reap the whirlwind. When such sweeps over the land, not the sowers alone but all will suffer. Signs are significant and pregnant with warning if men would but heed. But they heed not, passing by to mere pleasure, or gain, or frivolity. A beggarly hand-to-mouth policy is cried up by the selfish cynics and arrogant sceptics of the day. Garrulous philosophers clack and chatter. What is for the moment expedient, and nothing beyond this
is alone considered. It was otherwise with him-for Principle was his polestar-whose mortal remains are soon to sleep with his fathers. It was otherwise with him, the ancient noble, the high-minded statesman, the refined scholar, the Christian gentleman, whose presence and power we are certain to miss, but after a well-spent life he is now gone to his rest. And we will say no more. May the Eternal bestow upon him the enduring light of everlasting life!
THE HIGH CHURCH RADICALS."
which they share with Mr. Bradlaugh and Mr. Finlen. In fine they stand up for what Theodore Hook called “ a General Dissolution of Everything and a universal Scramble by Everybody," in the hope that out of an Ecclesiastical Chaos brought about by themselves, new laws and a new order may rise in majestic perfection.
And it is wonderful to see how their "Unions" and newspapers have rendered such hateful idea, not merely tolerable, but acceptable to so many. Though Radicalism in the sphere of politics corresponds to Independency in the sphere of misbelief-though the whole principle of Radicalism is opposed to any one individual possessing rights, whether ecclesiastical or political, over another; yet the Clergy who hold that they have a right to teach and a power to loose or bind, appear to have been bitten by the rabid notions of alien adventurers, and to have welcomed the magnificent programme of destruction which has been dangled before their eyes.
The work of the High Church Radicals is not difficult. It is easy enough to destroy, overturn, and uproot. But natural growth is slow, and reconstruction is a work of time. As regards this clique the Church may be at once disestablished, Oxford and Cambridge lost for ever as "seminaries of religion and useful learning "-Christianity banished from the Houses of Parliament, if only Mr. Gladstone can be upheld in his present position of power, and a second Cairns' Judgment avoided for the future.
THERE are many curiosities in natural history, of which recent writers have provided the public with information at once novel and instructive. In the province ecclesiastical, however, few have furnished those records with regard to genus and race which the marvellous productions of modern times would seem to have rendered necessary. The old divisions into which the Clergy were divided have ceased to be either accurate or exhaustive. Old analyses of character and thought have lost their point and pertinence. And this because ancient principles are neglected and sound precedents set aside. Even Mr. Conybeare's Church Parties, and that brilliant series of papers by Mr. Oxenham, published twelve years ago under the same title, very inadequately describe the present state of affairs. The silent revolution has done its work. Everywhere Expediency has been potent, for principle The dangers of such a policy are either never considered, or has been flung to the winds. Old parties are broken up, and else are thrust into a hazy background. The abject position even the combinations formed from their dissolution have in of the Episcopal Church in Scotland-so abject that in a due turn come to nought. One party-a strange cross-breed false charity men hesitate to tell the whole truth-is never unknown to English history and intrinsically un-principled alluded to. And yet the very men who are labouring for dis(by this we mean without any fixed principles)-aims at establishment here, the very men who are so active with their growing influential, and seeks more power than it now pos- pens and tongues are mainly, as a correspondent points out, sesses. This party is a party of destruction. The men who Scotchmen who, after due consideration and with much form it are known as "High Church Radicals." At present admirable judgment, have deliberately abandoned the Church they make for their limited numbers by unmeasured abuse of their country for our own. up The experiment of a disestabof their opponents, groundless assertions and unlimited noise. lished Church, "pure and apostolic," as the phrase runs, with As far as in them lies they are successfully breaking up the perfect freedom in the election of Bishops, has shown us what Church of England-or at all events are scattering such a such Bishops may be like, and at the same time has provided seed as must, sooner or later, infallibly produce that result. a wide field for further experiments, if our restless experiShould the humble enquirer ask what a High Church mentalists are in earnest in desiring to apply their theories. Radical is, there need be no difficulty in providing a faithful definition. He is a composite compound of so-called "modern principles" which are self-destructive and contradictory; and aims at carrying out a new and revolutionary Church policy which is ruin for England and a certain triumph for Rome. He is an universal fault-finder. With him nothing is to be tolerated but the brazen-faced assertions of the leaders of his own clique, and the infallible utterances of their cheap ritualistic newspapers. Of past history he knows but little, of present facts next to nothing. He has an ideal, as we all have; but it is one which is not very likely to be realized on earth. For this ideal, like a fretful child, he cries out continually but such a cry is only a "baying of the moon.' If "hope deferrred maketh the heart sick," the heart of the High Church Radical, ere his fanciful dreams are realized, will be very sick indeed.
Though the rank and file of the party is composed of the impetuous, the dreamers and the hopeful, those who lead and direct it are men of the coolest tempers and as far-sighted as they are keen. Liberalism, that is a contempt for all authority whether regal or ecclesiastical, is the basis of their action. Self-will is their sole guide. They may talk loftily of what the "Church says " and of what the "Fathers say," but by this they only mean to enforce and thrust upon their deluded followers what they themselves have said, or are about to say. Moreover, from a political standing-point, they are members of that heterogenous gathering which Mr. Bouverie designated "the Liberal rabble." For Mr. Gladstone they have a blind and blundering admiration, if not inferior kind of worship,
Here in England, however, we regret their mischievous action and heartily oppose their democratic proposals. A national Church, allied to and influencing the State, may flourish and expand-but a sect (and this is that to which we are coming) at open opposition with the State, opposed to the direct action of a hostile communion with ramifications all over the world, would only last for a short time. Its death might come by slow mortification, like our northern relation, or by a gallopping consumption. But that it would dieweakened, starved by its friends, and dismembered, is as certain as that June follows May. The Church Universal will never die-God forbid such a notion!-but no such promise relates to any national Church or part of it. Therefore, in solemn earnestness we urge our readers to ponder over the dangerous principles here inadequately referred to, and at once to disconnect themselves from the wire-pullers of a pushing and self-opinionated faction, who, like Samson, may not improbably perish in the general ruin which themselves have helped to bring about.