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A TRUE HISTORY OF GUY FAWKES.

giving the history of Guy Fawkes, we shall be compelled to give a general account of the plot, as his biography is so interwoven with that of the plot, that it will be impossible to give one without the other. I may, therefore, crave forbearance while I endeavour to trace the story of his life in connection with that plot, which, unless the record of it had become universal, we could not credit to have taken place.

Guido, or Guy Fawkes, was a gentleman of good family, "a gentleman by name and blood," as he himself says in his trial. His father was a notary at York, and register of the Cathedral-Church Consistory Court in that city. He died January 17th, 1578, leaving a son, Guy, and two daughters. The proof of this identification is given in an examination, dated November 7th, 1605, in which he, for the first time, gives his real name. He says that he "was born in the City of York, and that his father's name was Edward Fawkes, a gentleman, who died thirty years before," and left to him a small living, which he spent; and in the registry of burials in St. Michael's-le-Belfry, at York, is the following entry: "Mr. Edward Fawkes, Register and Advocate of the Consistory Court of the Cathedral Church, January 17th, 1578." Amongst the baptisms of the same church, appears the name of Guy, son of Edward Fawkes, with the date of April 16th, 1570 (see Jardine's "Gunpowder Plot"). He received his education at a free school near York, which was founded by a Charter of Philip and Mary, and placed under the patronage of the Dean and Chapter. It is very probable that his parents were Protestants, and we may infer, from his being placed in the free school, that he received his earliest education in the Protestant Faith. But, after his father's death, his mother married a member of a zealous Roman Catholic family, and, as he probably became an inmate of his stepfather's house, he would, naturally, be brought up in his religion.

Some of his schoolfellows, also, were of Catholic families, namely, John and Christopher Wright, afterwards two of the conspirators, and Tesmond the Jesuit. As he arrived at more mature years, he went abroad, and enlisted as a soldier of fortune in the army of Flanders. At this time the Roman Catholics in England were groaning under the hardships inflicted on them by their king, James of Scotland, who kept in force the same stringent laws as were in force in the reign of Elizabeth, and even increased the stringency of those laws. They had expected that he would be favour. able to their party, and the disappointment increased their ill-feelings towards the Protestants. Some dark and daring spirits were amongst them, men who had already signalized themselves by their intrigues with foreign states for a re-establishment of the Roman Catholic religion. Henry Garnet, who was educated at Winchester, who was a provincial of the Order of Jesuits in England, was a man of furious passions, and a most malignant hatred towards the Protestant Church. He had great influence among his brethren, from his position as provincial, and he had agents on the Continent who acted as faithful emissaries of his fallen Church. William Baldwin, a confidential priest, resided in Flanders, and Joseph Cresswell was an envoy from the English Catholics at the Court of Spain. These three men, with one or two others, were the principal agents in the plots against Queen Elizabeth, and it is, therefore, probable were the projectors of the Gunpowder Treason, if, indeed, it did not originate with Garnet himself. On the 22nd of June, 1603, Guy Fawkes and Christopher Wright were sent to the Spanish Court, to give notice of the death of Elizabeth, and to renew the negotiations for the re-establishment of their religion. But Philip of Spain had, in the meantime, seen the rashness of the enterprise. The fate of the Invincible Armada had taught

him experience, and he began to find that it would be more to his interests to negotiate a peace with England. James was as much disposed as Philip to put an end to hostilities, and, accordingly, a peace was concluded on August 18th, 1604, at London. The band of Incendiaries, at the head of whom were Father Garnet and Catesby, were now left to their own resources, planned a design, which, if it had succeeded, would have more than answered their purposes. In 1603, Garnet and Catesby had had a conference together, in which Garnet proposed to kill the king. Percy also afterwards proposed it, but Catesby strongly objected to that mode of proceeding. "No," said he, "thou shalt not adventure thyself to so small a purpose. In vain would you put an end to the king's life. He has children who would succeed both to his crown and maxims of Government. To secure any good purpose, therefore, we must destroy, at one blow, the king, the royal family, the lords, the commons, and bury all our enemies in one general ruin. They are all assembled on the first meeting of Parliament. A few of us combined may run a mine below the hall in which they meet, and consign to everlasting punishment these determined enemies to all piety and religion." This conference took place in September, 1603, and Parliament was to meet on the 1st of July, 1604, at which time it was prorogued to March, 1605. Winter went over to Flanders to bring over Guy Fawkes. During the time of his absence new confederates were enlisted in the enterprise. Each one who was enlisted were compelled to take an oath of secrecy, upon which they received the Sacrament of the Lord's Supper, swearing "by the Blessed Trinity, and by the Sacrament they now proposed to receive, never to disclose, directly or indirectly, by word or circumstance, the matter that shall be proposed to them in secret, nor desert from the execution thereof till the rest should give them leave." This oath was administered to them, and when Guy Fawkes arrived, in May, 1604, the same oath was taken, and the sacrament received by Catesby, Percy, Wright, and

Fawkes, in a house in the suburbs of London, on the north side of Clement's Inn, and in the immediate vicinity of Chancery Lane. They now began to debate on the manner of the execution of the plot. After some inquiry they discovered a house adjoining the old palace of Westminster, with a garden extending to the side of the river. According to some accounts, the house was empty; but in the "History of the Gunpowder Treason," published in 1678, it is expressly stated that it was inhabited by a man named Ferris, whom Percy, with considerably difficulty, persuaded to quit. This house was at the disposal of one Whineyard, Keeper of the Wardrobe during the intervals of Parliament. The original written agreement which Percy made with Ferris, dated May 24th, 1604, may be seen in the State Paper-office. The back premises belonging to the house leaned against the wall of the Parliament House. Here they resolved to commence operations by cutting a mine through it. No sooner had they begun than they heard that the king had resolved to prorogue Parliament to the 7th of February, 1605, and upon their hearing it they resolved to separate and meet again in November. During the interval they engaged another house on the Lambeth side of the river. Here they cautiously deposited. stores of wood, gunpowder, and other combustibles. The Lambeth house was committed to the care of a Catholic gentleman in reduced circumstances, named Robert Kay, who took the oath and entered into the enterprise. When they met again they found themselves deprived of the use of the house at Westminster, for the court had thought fit to accommodate therein the commissioners engaged on James's scheme for the union of England and Scotland. But at last, on a dark December night, they entered the house, and commenced operations, having previously laid in a store of hard eggs, dried meats, and pasties, and such other provisions as would keep, in order that they might create no suspicions by sending abroad for food. To Guy Fawkes was allotted the desperate office of firing the mine. A ship in the river had been pro

vided at the expense of Tresham to convey him at once to Flanders, where he was to publish a manifesto in defence of the act, and to dispatch letters, invoking the aid of all the Catholic powers. They presently found that the wall to be penetrated was of tremendous thickness, and that more hands would be required to perform the work. Kay was therefore brought from the house at Lambeth, and Christopher Wright (the brother of John Wright, who was already in the plot), was enlisted to strengthen the party, which now consisted of seven. "All which seven," says Guy Fawkes in his examination, "were gentlemen of name and blood, and not any was employed in or about this action (no, not so much as in digging and mining) that was not a gentleman; and while the others wrought I stood as sentinel to descry any man that came near to the place; upon warning being given by me they ceased, until they had again notice from me to proceed. And we seven lay in the house, and had shot and powder, and we all resolved to die rather than yield or be taken."

Notice was now brought by Fawkes that the king had further prorogued Parliament from the 7th February to the 3rd of October, upon which they agreed to separate until after the Christmas holidays. They again met and renewed their operations, when the vaults of the Parliament House were offered to let. They immediately seized upon the offer, under the pretence of storing therein wood and coals. They had now no need to continue their work of excavation. They therefore proceeded to stow therein the gunpowder, covering it with wood and coals. Again the Parliament was prorogued to November. The conspirators now began to feel uneasy lest their plot had been discovered, and that it was the cause of the delay. But their fears wore off, and they continued their operations. Many are the accounts of the discovery of the plot, but the most probable one is this. Tresham, one of the conspirators, was brother-in-law to Lord Mounteagle, and it is supposed that he wrote the letter; but, be that as it may, a letter was brought to the house of Lord Mounteagle

by a dark-complexioned man, and given to a servant. It was very illegibly scrawled, and warned him, "as he valued his life," not to attend the meeting of Parliament, "for," says the writer, "God and man have concurred together to punish the wickedness of this nation." Mounteagle laid the letter before the king, and, after some deliberation, he suggested that it might refer to a destruction by gunpowder, and ordered the vaults underneath the Parliament House to be searched. They were searched, and Guy Fawkes was taken as he was stepping out of the cellar. He was at once hurried before the king, and examined. He confessed to his own share in the transaction, but steadfastly refused to disclose the names of any of his associates. There is sufficient evidence to prove that he was put to the torture. He was urged to implicate several persons in the conspiracy, being promised his life if he would do so, but steadfastly refused. The other conspirators fled through Warwickshire and Worcestershire, until they reached Holbeach, the residence of Stephen Littleton, one of their accomplices. They were in number about one hundred, all mounted. At Holbeach they stood upon their defence. The sheriff, with his force, commanded them to surrender. They refused, with the resolution to sell their lives as dearly as possible. An accidental explosion of gunpowder, which was placed by the fire to dry, wounded, and almost disabled Catesby, Rookwood, Percy, and several others. Rookwood, Grant, Keyes, and Bates were taken prisoners; Digby, Winter, and Littleton fought their way through their assailants, but the first was overtaken, and the two last were betrayed by a servant in their refuge at Hagley. They were all tried on the 27th of January, and acknowledged their guilt, but made no discovery. They were executed, four on the 30th, and the remaining four on the 31st of that month. On the scaffold, Guy Fawkes acknowledged that he believed God had not been pleased with their project, "otherwise," he said, "He would not have given us over into the hands of our enemies." Thus ended the ever-memorable Gunpowder Plot.

THE ODD BOY ON GOING TO BATTLE.

D EAR MR. EDITOR,-I have not yet heard from your people about my projected poem, "Harold Deceased."

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said before, and I say again, it is a jolly good idea. Talk of the Idylls of the King -hi-diddle-diddle!-they are nothing to it. This may seem as if I were playing a fantasia on my own horn; suppose I am-I, who wrote the thing, ought to know whether it is "the cheese or whether it is not: cheese-it is Stilton, rare and old. I showed it to a friend t'other day, and he frankly said he had never read such a thing before; what could be more delicate or complimentary. I read a few lines to another chap-something about Editha of the Swanneck-and he could not stand it, begged me to stop, which, of course, I did to oblige him: I considered it a very touching tribute to my genius. Now, if you do not see your way to put the thing before the public, say so: half-a-dozen houses in London are jumping for it. And, look here, I send a directed envelope with a stamp, not with the old address, but Mr. Tuppennay's, No. 2, Cobden Houses, Denmark Place, Hastings, Sussex. Now, don't you bone the stamp, and neglect to send the answer. I am at Hastings, very comfortably lodged, I can tell you, right opposite Queen Victoria's own "Hotel. I am revising my poem, which will be a classic some of these days, with the castle cliff ever so high to my left, crowned by the ruins of its ancient fortress, and before me the big sea, the bathing-machines, and the yachts which make people sick twice a day at a shilling a head, wind and weather permitting. I admire my own consciousness in this sort of thing. Have not I known fellows describe the Borghese Palace in Bloomsbury-that is to say, who tell all about what they never saw-by fagging at the books in the reading-room of the British Museum. No, Mr. Editor, whatever may be the estimate you put on my poetic ability, there is no nonsense about me. I

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could not, and I would not, issue to the pub. lic an account of the Battle of Hastings without inspecting the ground. Sir, I have been to Battle, and in this letter I propose describing it.

Battle, allow me to remark, is seven miles from Hastings, according to all authorities, except the flymen, who are nearly all prepossessed with a conviction that it is "much nigher nine." If you can step it, do: it's a jolly walk; if you can't, or are too lazy, don't you may go in a waggonette for eighteen-pence there and· back. This mode of conveyance, I may here remark, was unknown at the time of the Conqueror. Had he waited for the waggon, the probability is, the last of the Saxon kings would never have perished, or even have been supposed to perish, at Semlac, the ancient name of Battle. To return to our Southdowns-and here I may incidentally remark, that the, mutton here is delightfully tender; I enjoyed it very much at three o'clock this day—well, if you purpose going to Battle, there are two ways of doing it, riding or walking; take either course that suits you best, but depend on it that, for measuring a road, there is nothing like using your own legs as compasses. The road is charming. An immense expanse of land on one side, and water on the other side, glimpses of each being caught at intervals through or over the hedge-rows, all alive with wild flowers, bordering the huge grey boulders, in fantastic figures—but, there, I am not going to exhaust my descriptive powers; I want all that for the poem:

"Wood anemone and chickweed,

Small-leaved cudwort, water crowfoot, And the white convolvulus."

There are pages in my poem after that fashion; the bit I quote is from my account of the road through which our unwelcome guest made his march:

"Loti augustofulili,

Sea-heath, sorrel, hard-knit trefoil,
Sea-kale Lepididum Smithi."

This sort of thing tells-especially with those who don't know anything about it.

How I went to Battle is of no consequence to anybody but myself; suffice it that I got there. And there uprose before me two massive towers, covered with ivy, and pierced here and there for windows, first for ornament, second for use. The gates were closed, and there was no horn on which to give a fanfare and summon the seneschal. There was a bell. A party of four had just arrived, and settled down before the gate. They had demanded admission; we attended with them, and waited the result. We had not long to wait; a postern opened, and a girl appeared-a Genevieve, perhaps, to turn away the wrath of the Alarics. She was accompanied by a white cat and a white kitten.

Sweet emblem of innocence-a maidenstanding four-and-a-half feet high, and two lamb-like animals, who mewed a truce.

A truce to sentiment; I must reserve all that for the poem. We entered, passed the ancient gateway, and advanced upon an open space, a well-kept lawn-suggesting the idea that the monks played croquet to the right; the ancient building to the left, two towers very ruinous towards the right before us; and, right opposite, some steps ascending to a terrace. No holy monks at prayer, no vigilant soldiers on the watch; nothing but an old gentleman in a straw-hat, who ordered his invaders swiftly to the terrace. More invaders speedily arrived, and were chivalrously entreated that is to say, the owner of the straw-hat invited them to "come on this way."

The enemy having come on in sufficient number to be worthy of attack, marshalled themselves against the straw-hat, who marshalled himself against the terrace wall, and sang to them the song of Roland; that is to say, he recited the story of the Battle of Hastings, and pointed out the principal features of the place. Fields, hedges, lowlands, all richly green, and all abounding in wild flowers, were once the battle-plain. Straw-hat told us all about it very briefly

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in English, of a pattern not commonly recognized in the schools, such as over there as you see them there trees." Us, I say, he addressed, but there was a gentleman of our party, smugly shaven and objectionably clean, who took it all to himself, and whenever Straw-hat paused, said, "Yes, exactly so," "of course," "to be sure," "nothing can be plainer." He was a sort of Greek chorus, only I believe the Greek chorus explained something, and he did not. Should this meet his eye, let me advise him not to do it again.

Straw-hat having shown us where Harold fell, and how his body was discovered and borne to Waltham, our lively friend interrupts him, by demanding to know whether it happened lately. Straw-hat is indignant, and says-speaking according to his lights— "No; ate undud ears ago." There is an ancient stone coffin shown to us, into which everybody curiously peers, and, of course, finds nothing. We see the remains of the high altar of the old abbey, and are told a good deal about it. Some of our party interest themselves in objects of somewhat modern ages, and being nothing specially peculiar to Battle Abbey. Thus I saw a young man absorbed in an old pump, and another curiously eyeing and nosing a drainpipe. Straw-hat does not give us much time to do anything. He takes us into the Abbot's Hall, well-raftered, and in capital condition. There is the abbot's chair, there the abbot's table; there is the armour of John of Gaunt or his father, there is the armour of the Black Prince, there is a picture of the Great Napoleon, there a stag's head-"a stag as was shot in the year tum ti tumuz." Why the Abbot's Hall should be thus adorned it is hard to say; I pause to think of what has taken place here. I look up at the little gallery immediately facing the official seat of the abbot. I conjure up the deep and solemn silence which prevailed amongst the cowled forms crowding the hall when some unhappy prisoner stood trembling before his judge for here the priest held judgment. I think I see the venerable form of the abbot clad in his sacerdotal garb; I think I hear his voice breaking the dread silence--"Now, then,

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