ADDITIONS AND NOTES

TO

THE FOURTH LECTURE.

NOTE (1.) PAGE 422.

It is probably an effect of the highly artificial state of civilized society to induce some degree of premature development, which gives occasion to peculiar temptations and dangers at an earlier age than is generally suspected. Hence deservedly esteemed authorities on the subject of education are in the right, in recommending parents early, yet discreetly, to impart information, rather than maintain a studied secrecy, which stimulates curiosity. Such a course, instead of promoting those evil communications which corrupt good morals, would prove the most effectual preventive check to them, and obviate a considerable amount of bodily disease of various kinds, insanity, and mental suffering.

NOTE (2.) P. 427.

ALTHOUGH we may reject the idea, that nations must of necessity, like individuals, grow old and die, we ought not to lose sight of the fact, that they are prone to mortality, and, that whilst constituted of elements which, from their incessant renewal with fresh life, seem calculated for indefinite existence, numerous instances have shewn that they may cease to exist, and be known only in history. They may have died by the hands of a foreign enemy: but they have, perhaps, more often been destroyed by a sort of felo-de-se; or rather, their sons have proved assassins of their country, inflicting deep wounds in their vitals, or poisoned wounds in less-important parts. It is the duty of those who are really well-wishers to their country, to contemplate these facts, and to let them serve as salutary warnings. At the very time when these pages are passing through the press, the state of

the country is such as to force these considerations upon the reflection of every Englishman. In allowing myself thus to allude to a subject in some degree foreign to the immediate object of this little work, I wish to be distinctly understood as disclaiming any party motives in doing so. On the contrary, my observations point to a sort of neutral territory, which may be the common ground of all ranks and parties. I have seen Venice and although the rich collections of painting and sculpture, and the profusion of precious works of art, of various descriptions, afford an almost inexhaustible fund of interest and amusement to the traveller-who, during the stay which he may make in Venice, will probably find more of excellent accommodation, more personal comfort, luxury, and safety, than he could have enjoyed there in the brightest days of the Venetian Republic-there is, nevertheless, in the present appearance of this remarkable city, a cause of melancholy, which none of the gratifications which it presents can counteract. We see numerous finely-situated and noble palaces, in the intermediate state between the splendour which they must have exhibited when occupied by the wealthy and powerful citizens for whom they were constructed, and that state of utter desolation with which we connect the idea of picturesque ruin. Here and there we see them giving way to the effects of time; simply, because no one has an interest in interposing the most trifling repair, to keep in order apartments which there are none to tenant. It is not for me here to discuss the various causes which have concurred to change the condition and bring on the melancholy fate of this onceimportant city; but it is extremely probable that the union of greater wisdom and greater virtue in her ruling citizens might have preserved to her a more lengthened prosperity than she has been permitted to enjoy. Other cities and states teach the same lesson; but there is perhaps none besides her which, like a death-bed scene, tells it in so striking a manner. If we turn, with the instruction which such a lesson affords, to the consideration of our own condition, we shall at once perceive, that the surest means which can ward off such an event from our own dear country are those only by which

the virtue, security, rights, and prosperity of all classes of her citizens may be preserved, without infringing on the enjoyment of similar advantages by the people of any other nation, whether near or distant. If we would scorn to accept of any enjoyment, the means of which had been fraudulently abstracted from the possession of a neighbour or friend, the same feeling should deter us from seeking the advantage of one class in society at the expense of another, or that of the country itself, by the sacrifices which another may be compelled reluctantly to make in her favour. Such benefits can only be transient, and rather apparent than real. Though no legislative enactments can preserve that individual conscientious integrity and honourable principle which should characterize those who are engaged in production, manufacture, or commerce, in order to ensure that high estimation amongst foreigners by which continued prosperity can alone be sustained, it is very possible for our national arrangements to be of an unjust character, and such as to counteract the effect which industrious probity, on the part of individuals, would be likely to produce. It must be impossible, systematically, to give unequal advantages to particular classes in the country, without exerting an ultimate tendency to injure both the favoured and the oppressed. The like consequences must also follow, if our measures possess any thing of an unjust or oppressive character towards other countries. To a country, which, like our own, is arrived at a highly-artificial state-which requires for its continuance the productive activity of a large majority of its own inhabitants, and the most extensive friendly and commercial relations with those of other countries-these principles of action are of the highest importance; and any deviation from them may occasion a decline, from which it may be impossible to recover, and which, by its continuance, may conduct us to that fate to which Venice has yielded. If any class in the country be favoured by unequal laws, they may for a time rejoice in apparent prosperity; but the sufferings of other classes will ultimately affect them; and their palaces, like those of the Venetians, will first cease to be maintained in their accustomed splendour, and ultimately be suffered to go to ruin,

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as well as the dwellings of the other classes who have been more directly injured for their intended benefit. To the possessors of many large estates, this argument may be enforced by a strong practical illustration. Their property may partly be situated in the country, and partly in towns; and they must soon feel, that if for a time they gain high rents from their farming tenantry, through the influence of restrictive laws, the distress of merchants and manufacturers must proportionably tend to decrease the value of their town property. Whilst we continue an essentially commercial and manufacturing country, we may supply other countries, with reciprocal benefit to them and to ourselves. They receive our goods, better, and at a lower price, than they can provide them for themselves; and consequently, those operations which may be more particularly theirs, proceed with increased facility. If we determine to exclude their produce in return, they will find a difficulty in taking ours; and will be forced by us, and in opposition to our manifest interest, to become both manufacturers and merchants. We must thus create rivals, who may be likely one day to surpass us. If a country does not produce or possess gold or silver, with which to pay us, let us be satisfied to take that which she can offer with the greatest facility; and if it be necessary to exchange it for other commodities, let us regard it as our legitimate employment to make the exchange for ourselves, and thereby participate in the benefits of the transaction. The activity which would naturally be imparted both to manufacture and commerce would maintain that state of the home-market which would in every respect be most advantageous to the owner and the occupier of land; whose various burdens, whether occasioned by the expenses of Government, or the support of a poor and unemployed population, would be diminished, both by the increase of revenue from foreign trade, and by the diffusion of occupation and wealth amongst the poorer classes. There is one view of the subject, of a perfectly physical character; which, as far as I am aware, has not been noticed in reference to this question-I allude to the actually increased productive power of the earth, arising from the amount of animal matter returned to it in various forms of manure. The most

extensive statistical inquiry has shewn, that feeding stock in a farming country may, within certain limits, increase the amount of crops, so that the animals may almost be said to be produced as an increase of profits. It is obvious that land may also be benefitted by manure furnished by animals fed with provender produced by another estate, another county, or even another country; of which we see an instance in the use of oil-cake. Without enumerating numerous sources of valuable manure, it will be remembered, that the stables in our towns and cities supply a vast quantity; and that these are not merely maintained by foreign commerce, but that the very materials on which the animals are fed, are offered to us by foreign countries, and may ultimately become a tribute to the prosperity of our own agriculturists. The fact, that manure itself, in various shapes, is imported from the Continent of Europe, from South America, and the Falkland Islands, is a convincing proof that the ploughed lands of England may receive accessions of fertility through the influence of that very commerce which their short-sighted owners and cultivators desire to see subjected to fatal restrictions.

When there exists an active degree of prosperity amongst a numerous population, there is necessarily created a large demand for a great variety of articles, which cannot be supplied in perfection from a distance: consequently, the homeproducer enjoys an advantage dependent on his position, the consciousness of which should make him feel at ease, when the idea of foreign competition is suggested. It is needless for me to examine the numerous illustrations of this principle which might be adduced; but the obvious case of kitchengardeners may be mentioned, to render what I have just stated generally intelligible. It was at one time dreaded by kitchen-gardeners, in the neighbourhood of large towns, that the increased facilities for transfer would bring distant productions into fatal competition with theirs. No apprehensions of the kind would appear to be better founded; yet I am informed that the result has by no means confirmed them. The old kitchen-gardeners continue their occupations with undiminished activity, until they or their landlords are tempted to devote the ground to still more productive employment.