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the interest of trades and manufactures, and of those engaged in them, than they are consistent with reason and common sense. The inferior or inexperienced hand, who, when he cannot find employment at the full price, is allowed to make the best bargain which he can at an inferior one, instead of becoming a tax upon his more skilful or more fortunate brethren of the same craft, supplies an inferior customer, who either could not or would not become a consumer to the same extent, if such an opportunity were not offered him. If this consumer is advancing in the world, the purchase, by fostering his desires for comforts or necessaries, is preparing him to become the customer of those who ask and deserve a higher price. But if the customer be declining in the world, the reverses of fortune will be allowed to fall more lightly upon him, and the trade will retain a customer, whom it would otherwise lose. In the mean time, the artisan, besides keeping himself from being a burden to others, has the opportunity, not only of keeping up the little skill which he may possess, but of cultivating it to a degree which may enable him to rise higher in his profession. This principle is most conspicuously seen amongst those classes of persons who are attached to the Fine Arts and liberal professions; and is found to enable mediocrity to obtain subsistence, as well as to encourage and reward those whose talents and perseverance have conducted them to excellence. I am not aware that there is any disposition on the part of either of these classes to form an association on the principles of a Trade Union; and I am very sure that such a measure would not only arrest their progress, but ensure their decline. The same principle, though not so conspicuous, no less true in the case of every variety of trade and manufacture. Fluctuations in the productiveness of the seasons, as well as political events at home and abroad, must inevitably affect the interests of every branch of trade and manufacture, from the wealthiest principal, down to the poorest hand which he may employ. The legitimate means of counteracting the evil, as respects all parties concerned, are to be found in economy, prudent forethought, and a due acquaintance with the existing state of

things bearing on the affected trade. Patience, perseverance, and ingenuity will be the immediate fruits; and prosperity returning with interest, will be the price they will obtain. On the other hand, remember that Unions in principle, as well as in practice, foster idleness, consume the savings of the past, and diminish the production of the future. If they do not drive production to other quarters, and thus injure existing markets, they tend to change the mode of operation, in a manner which is principally injurious to the operatives. When I reflect on these evils, which the Unions are inevitably calculated to bring upon our manufactures and commerce; on the misery which they must spread through the land; on the advantage which they give to our foreign rivals, by whom we are already closely pressed; I cannot but mourn for those whose want of judgment has allowed them to be seduced into these combinations; and regard those who with the means of obtaining correct information, and with a power to form a correct judgment, have sought popularity by encouraging such Unions, as far worse traitors to their country, than those who may be found in arms against her in the regiments and fleets of a foreign enemy.

Whilst I thus express my firm conviction as to the pernicious tendency of those combinations which are called Trades' Unions, I am equally confident that a union of another description would be no less virtuous and profitable than those of which I have been speaking are immoral and destructive— I mean, a union of purpose, to prevent the production of spurious, bad, and falsified commodities, by which the credit of our country's manufactures is most criminally and seriously injured. A union of purpose for this object would require no dangerous organization, which might become oppressive to individuals, and menacing to the tranquillity of the country. It requires only a silent and strict adherence to the universal principles of justice and truth, and obedience to the dictates of conscience, not rendered insensible by vicious habits and associations. The commands of a master to execute a piece of work of bad quality and deceptive appearance, or to adulterate raw or manufactured materials, ought, whatever may

be the immediate consequence to the workmen, to meet with a positive refusal. If this refusal were made in proper terms, the master might be convinced of his error; and a firm adherence to this resolution would effectually prevent his committing it, and tend to restore and raise the credit of our country's productions. The manufacture and sale of adulterated, counterfeit, and inferior articles, to be sent to foreign markets as British, is as criminal as forging and uttering counterfeits of the coin of the realm, and does a more serious and permanent injury to the interests of our country. I speak advisedly, when I say, that the evil of which I now complain, prevails in various articles of our staple manufactures. Our hardware, which long has stood, and still might stand preeminent, is, from the cause which I have just mentioned, justly despised in some foreign markets. A British axe, in the woods of America, is rejected as useless; whilst those made in the country are sought after and highly valued. The uncivilized Negro on the coast of Africa makes the same complaint; and it is not until his ingenuity has enabled him, in some degree, to modify and improve the temper, that the British axe is of any use to him. Our saws and other tools are also liable to a similar condemnation; and our woollen and cotton goods, for which we have obtained so high a reputation, have had their character impaired by the same criminal practices, which have given specious and attractive appearance to bad or worthless materials. It is high time for an effectual stop to be put to this growing evil. If this be not done, principals and operatives will find their craft cut up; and the excellence of British manufactures will become a mere matter of history, like the purple of Tyre. It is not only in the deception of our foreign customers that these detestable arts have been employed. Bad and spurious articles not unfrequently come into the hands of our countrymen; and the crime of selling them has assumed a traitorous character, when the supply of our armies has been concerned: in proof of which, I offer the following extract from Napier's History of the Peninsular War :

"But the worst obstacle was caused by the disgraceful

badness of the cutting-tools furnished from the StorekeeperGeneral's office in England: the profits of the contractor seemed to be the only thing respected: the engineers eagerly sought for French implements, because those provided by England were useless."-Napier's History of the Peninsular War (Observations on the Siege of Ciudad Rodrigo), p. 387.

Although it has been my particular wish, in composing these Lectures, to refrain from giving them any thing of a party or sectarian character, which might render them obnoxious to any class, either in Religion or Politics, I cannot easily quit the subject of the application of the judgment, without offering a few remarks respecting the careful and deliberate employment of it in those cases in which, in the present extended state of the elective privilege, the operatives, as well as the higher classes, have a vote to give, and an influence to exert; which, under the direction of the judgment, might be as useful and salutary, as they are injurious and disgraceful, under the impulse of high excitement, party feeling, and base incentives.

Although this recommendation may be applied to all cases connected with general or political measures, or with the appointment of individuals to any post which is obtained by election, yet I admit, that it is to the election of Members of Parliament that I principally direct my remarks; since, on the one hand, it is on such occasions that our common interest in our country's well-being should call all to the best exercise of their enlightened judgment; and, on the other hand, there are no other occasions on which the judgment appears to be so little regarded, and so many bad passions are called into activity, in order to exert that influence which reason only should possess.

The following Rules may assist in forming and strengthening the judgment, with reference to this subject:

First, Do not neglect to take those steps which are necessary to render your votes available.

Secondly, When the time of election arrives, commit your

selves to no party; but deliberately weigh the character and pretensions of the candidates, and form your opinion on the ground of past actions, rather than be influenced by fine speeches, fair promises, or any flattering offers for the advantage of your private or local interests.

Thirdly, Consider well whether your vote will be required. If the individuals of whom you approve have their success secured, your attendance at the hustings will only waste your time, and needlessly add to the bustle and expense of the occasion; but if those against whom you have reasonable grounds of objection appear likely to be successful, let no private considerations withhold you from devoting the small amount of time and trouble required for this service to your country; but give your vote and exert your influence without delay; remembering, that he gives twice who gives quickly.

Fourthly, If you have come to the judgment that your vote and interest are required, make and keep a firm resolution to perform the duty in which you are engaged in the shortest time, and with the least possible expense to yourselves or others; as it is a gross mistake to suppose that the money spent on these occasions, beyond what is absolutely necessary, has any other than a pernicious effect, both on individuals and on the community.

Fifthly, In making your choice of candidates, accept of no qualifications as a substitute for moral worth and integrity. If a man be depraved and vicious in private life, or if he have shewn himself incapable of honestly conducting his private affairs, what reasonable grounds have you to hope that good can accrue to his country from any part which he may take in her government? and what mischiefs may you not fear from his example and influence, if you place him in an elevated and conspicuous position?

Sixthly, Although moral worth is to be held indispensable, you may fatally err if you regard this as the only requisite ; for an individual possessing every title to our respect for his virtuous conduct may nevertheless be weak in judgment, or very deficient in that knowledge and those acquirements

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