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ftance, to the fidelity of government; in the second, to its power. If they find the old governments effete; worn out, and with their springs relaxed, so as not to be of fufficient vigour for their purposes, they may feek new ones that ihall be possessed of more energy, and this energy will be derived, not from an acquisition of resources, but from a contempt of juftice. Revolutions are favourable to confiscation; and it is impoflible to know under what obnoxious names the next confiscations will be authorised. I am sure that the principles predominant in France extend to very many persons and descriptions of persons in all countries who think their innoxious indolence their security. This kind of innocence in proprietors may be argued into inutility; and inutility into an unfitness for their estates. Many parts of Europe are in
In many others there is a hollow murmuring under ground; a confused movement is felt, that threatens a general earthquake in the political world. Already confederacies and correspondencies of the most extraordinary nature are forming, in feveral countries t. In such a state of things we ought to hold ourselves upon our guard. In all mutations (if mutations must be) the circumstance which will serve most to blunt the edge of their mischief, and to promote what good may be in them, is, that they should find us with our minds tenacious of justice, and tender of property.
But it will be argued, that this confiscation in France ought not to alarm other nations. They say it is not made from wanton rapacity; that it is a great measure of national policy, adopted to remove an extensive, inveterate, superstitious mischief. It is with the greatest difficulty that I am able to separate policy from justice. Justice is itself the great
standing + See two books intitled, Enige Originalschriften des Illuminatenordens.-System und Folgen des Illuminatenordens. Munchen
ftanding policy of civil society; and any eminent des parture from it, under any circumstances, lies under the fufpicion of being no policy at all.,
When men are encouraged to go into a certain mode of life by the existing laws, and protected in that mode as in a lawful occupation-when they have accommodated all their ideas, and all their habits to it when the law had long made their adherence to its rules a ground of reputation, and their departure from them. a ground of disgrace and even of penalty
I am sure it is unjust in legislature, by an arbitrary act, to offer a sudden violence to their minds and their feelings ; forcibly to degrade them from their state and condition, and - to ftigmatize with shame and infamy that character and those cuftoms which before had been made the measure of their happiness and lionour. · If to this be added an expul- fion from their habitations, and a confiscation of all their goods, I am not sagacious enough to discover low this despotic sport, made of the feelings, consciences, prejudices, and properties of men, can be difcriminated from the rankest tyranny.
If the injustice of the course pursued in France be I'clear, the policy of the measure, that is, the public tenefit to be expected from it, ought to be at least as evident, and at least as important. To a man who acis under the influence of no paffion, who has nothing in view in his projects but the public good, : a great difference will immediately strike him, beziween what policy would dictate on the original intro
duction of such institutions, and on a question of their total abolition, where they have caft their s roots wide and deep, and where by long habit things · Inore valuable than themselves are so adapted to
them, and in a manner interwoven with them, that the one cannot be deitroyed without notably impairing the other. He might be embarrassed, if the
209 : case were really such as fophifters represent it in their paltry style of debating. But in this, as in molt questions of state, there is a middle. There is fomething else than the mere alternative of absolute destruction, or unreformied existence. Spartam nactus. !s; hanc exorna. ". This is, in my opinion, a rule of profound sense, and ought never to depart from the: mind of an honest reformer. I cannot conceive how any man can have brought himself to that pitch of presumption, to consider his coufftry as nothirg but carte blanche, upon which he may fcribble uhatever he pleases. A man full of warm fpeculative benevolence may wish his fociety otherwise conftituted than he finds it; but a good patriot, and a true politician, always considers how he shall make the most of the existing materials of his country. A disposition to preserve, and an ability to improve, taken together, would be my standard of a statesman. Every thing else is vulgar in the conception, perilous in the execution.
There are moments in the fortune of states when particular men are called to make improvements by great mental exertion. In those moments, even when they seem to enjoy the confidence of their prince and country, and to be invested with full authority, they have not always apt instruments. A politician, to do great things, looks for a power, what our workmen call a purchases and if he finds that power, in politics as in mechanicshe cannot be at a loss to apply it. In the monastic inßitutions, in my opinion, was found a great power for the mechanism of politic benevolence. There were revenues with a public direction; there were men wholly set apart and dedicated to public purposes, without any other than public ties and public principles; men without the posibility of converting the estate of the community into a private fortune; men denied to self-interests, whose avarice is for lomme community; men to whom personal poverty
is honour, and implicit obedience stands in the place of freedom. In vain shall a man look to the possibility of making such things when he wants them. The winds blow as they list. These institutions are the products of enthusiasm; they are the instruments of wisdom. Wisdom cannot create materials; they are the gifts of nature chance; her pride is in the use. The perennial existence of bodies corporate and their fortunes, are things particularly suited to a man who has long views; who meditates designs that require time in fashioning; and which propose duration when they are accomplished. He is not deserving to rank high, or even to be mentioned in the order of great statesmen, who, having obtained the command and direction of such a power as existed in the wealth, the discipline, and the habits of such corporations, as those which you have rashly destroyed, cannot find any way of converting it to the great and lasting benefit of his country. On the view of this subject a thousand uses suggest themselves to a contriving mind. To destroy any power, growing wild from the rank productive force of the human mind, is almost tantamount, in the moral world, to the destruction of the apparently active properties of bodies in the material. It would be like the attempt to destroy (if it were in our competence to destroy) the expanfive force of mixed air in nitre, or the power of steam, or of electricity, or of magnetism. These energies always existed in nature, and they were always dif.cernible. They seemed, some of them unserviceable, some noxious, some no better than a sport to children; until contemplative ability, combining with practic skill, tamed their wild nature, subdued them to use, and rendered them at once the most powerful and the molt tractable agents, in fubfervience to the great views and designs of men. Did fifty thousand persons, whose mental and whose bodily labour you might di
rect, and so many hundred thousand a year of a revenue, which was neither lazy nor superstitious, appear too big for your abilities to wield ? Had you no way of using the men but by converting monks into penfioners? Had you no way of turning the revenue to account, but through the improvident resource of a fpendthrift fale? If you were thus destitute of mental funds, the proceeding is in its natural course. Your politicians do not understand their trade ; and therefore they sell their tools.
But the institutions favour of superstition in their very principle; and they nourish it by a permanent and standing influence. This I do not mean to difpute; but this ought not to hinder you from deriving from superstition itself any resources which may thence be furnished for the public advantage. You derive benefits from many difpofitions and many paslions of the human mind, which are of as doubtful a colour in the moral eye, as superstition itself. It was your business to correct and mitigate every thing which was noxious in this passion, as in all the pasions. But is superstition the greatest of all por fible vices? In its poflible excess I think it becomes a very great evil. It is, however, a moral subject; and of course admits of all degrees and all modifications. Superstition is the religion of feeble minds; and they must be tolerated in an intermixture of it, in some trifling or some enthusiastic shape or other, else you will deprive weak minds of a resource found necessary to the strongest. The body of all true religion consists, to be sure, in obedience to the will of the sovereign of the world; in a confidence in his declarations; and an imitation of his perfections. The rest is our own. It may be prejudicial to the great end; it may be auxiliary. Wise men, who as such, are not admirers (not admirers at least of the Munera Terra) are not violently attached to these things, nor do they