but whose affections and understandings abide by the ancient order of our society, because they see in it admirable provisions, adapted to human nature, for the preservation of social peace and safety, and for developing and stimulating those aspirations and capacities which tend to benefit, distinguish, and ornament the domestic life, and public character of nations. A glowing and at the same time sedate patriotism, shining from a lofty eminence in the eyes of men, and attracting admiration to its pure and steady lustre like, for instance, the fine flame which irradiates the public conduct and compositions of that young nobleman Lord John Russel-is what the extreme factions chiefly dread and detest. For the same reason, it ought to be steadily regarded by the people as a beacon of hope and safety. It is in such splendid examples of intellect in wealth, and liberality in elevated station, that the glory of British history and the brilliancy of the national reputation, may best be contemplated. Their lustre has ever led the march of the nation onward to its richest possessions, as the pillar of fire led the tribes through the desart to the land of milk and honey. Unlucky circumstances, and base arts, have, for some years past, chilled the sympathy which ought to exist between the honest sense of the people, and the impulses of those talents and virtues which are advantageously placed by Providence, united to great names and honorable titles in advance of the common situations of society, in order to give forcible effect to their operation on public opinion, and the public welfare. The consequence has been, that apathy has succeeded to energy amongst the sound and substantial part of the community, and that reproach, thrown with impunity by the mischievous on the worthy, has totally destroyed in politics the influence of the best class of politicians. Look at the noble display of talent, probity, and zeal lately made by Earl Grey; and consider how much the dignity of the country would have gained had such a mind guided the course of the government, with reference to a recent particular occasion, instead of the timid and subservient dispositions which

have led to so much mortification, exposure, and disgrace. It has been hitherto the great distinction and blessing of this nation, that its nobility and gentry, without sinking into the class of regular courtiers, but retaining their independent character and capacity, have occupied themselves with the public affairs, counselled the throne, and powerfully influenced its measures. In no other country have distinguished subjects been able to render themselves of any value with reference to the court, but as its satellites: but with us, independent gentlemen have played the part of eminent statesmen, and have served the prince and the people,-each more effectually from stooping to neither. Unhappily, however, these natural guardians of the institutions and liberties of their native land, have of late seen their proper and necessary weight in the commonwealth annihilated-and in favour of whom? Mere placemen, and vulgar mal-contents! The ba lance of authority and opposition, that proud boast, and useful privilege of this country, has been entirely left to such counteracting parties as Mr. Cobbett see-sawing Mr. Croker, and the editor of the Examiner tilting Mr. Canning, once editor of the Anti-Jacobin! In the same way we find it now proposed, (the first suggestion of the plan, we are told, proceeding from the monarch personally) that a LITERARY ACADEMY should be formed, on the model of that wretched French institution over which English genius has been accustomed to exult in words, as well as triumph in works, to constitute a makeweight against the Sunday press! Such Signs of the Times as these are prodigiously discouraging: they seem to indicate the extinction of the old spirit of the country. The demon of scandal sits perched on the pinnacle of our king's palace, chattering, and laughing, and pointing with his finger into the interior,-while an excited populace look up, and re-echo the hootings of the fiend. What a contrast does this present to the "old domestic morals of the British court,-and how destructive the effect of such a contrast on that feeling of reverential allegiance which has been the ancient companion of independent sentiment in this once

"

of the responsibility which her name throws on those who would even modify the institutions under which its renown has been accumulated. They are not national in their feelings and tastes; they have vivacity, but they are of shallow hearts, and are without imagination. Mr. Hobhouse, a smart man, is an example of what we mean:* his books, his speeches, his opinions on religion, are all alien in their style to the English character. A more meagre principle than an English soul animates his moral and intellectual being altogether: there is a flippancy about his thoughts which ill-suits with the rancour of his language. He is worthy to be the historian of the " hundred days," but for England, whose history is composed of centuries, his powers are too small. At Rome he busied himself with criticizing dates and names; and in this, as in other respects, he has shewn himself more fitted to play the part of a French philosopher than of an English patriot. His place is Paris: there he shone, and was much admired :-there he would eclipse Sir Francis Burdett; but in the English House of Commons he will never command or deserve that respectful attention, from a host of adversaries, which is given to his colleague, and brother reformer.

England would become another and inferior country to that which it has been, were its future destinies to be modelled by such hands; and the worst feature in her present condition, is the almost nullity in the state, of the individuals who in public business would be the representatives of her genuine character. We allude to certain men of fortune, rank, and talent, animated by the spirit of her history, faithful to that path of improvement which she has so sedately and successfully followed,-alive the spirit of enterprize which di guishes the present time, y mindful of their country's de think of submitting her to sary risks, or even of runat for improvement in the ner of nations that h

and nothing to lose

on one side, and

* Sir Francis

English oppositio -English history

the other, have contrived to destr the influence of genuine statesm altogether; and the public are c sequently divided in a very unha way. A great proportion of people,-comprising much of is most respectable in private and secure and stedfast in soc support the persons occupyi established places of govern not in the exercise of a s and discriminating convictio rectitude and wisdom,-bi least of two evils,-as lear safer side,-to keep the of property and order to continue old names an threatened as they thin would be with subversi were unnecessary opposi an advantage to the s men who imported P as the symbol and st tish Reform. On the placed the comparat active party of the affected in heart and sent system of socie view its complete w covet a new partit would bring this: change of opinion. The former and guilty of the in piting the acti sense and indep which the long strength of the to be tracedcontributing to tranquillity of bad reasonin this condu * tory is

ever

solidly-founded common-wealth. No public interest whatever called for running the fearful hazard of a recent disgusting exposure:-it necessarily and inevitably led to recrimination in both heart and mouth, calculated terribly to prejudice, in public esteem, an august public functionary, whose real power consists but in the respect which his title excites. The dignified clergy, in the first assembly of the nation, have alluded, in their united capacities of bishops and legislators, to the vices which constitute an insuperable bar to a measure, introduced by the servants of the Crown as one of redress for the Sovereign, but which these vices represent as one of contemplated injustice. Why expose the Crown to this disgrace?—or incur the risk of a still greater calamity, viz. that of seeing men, clothed with honorable titles and dignities, forfeiting their honour in subserviency to the Court as a fountain of distinction and profit? The Queen's conduct was neither the only, nor even the principal matter which presented itself for the serious consideration of the persons on whom it fell to decide on the institution of the late inquiry:-there were several infinitely more important points for them to weigh. What conduct had been pursued towards, as well as by her Majesty ;-what effect such a domestic dispute would have on the public mind;-what good could be its result, and what bad might-what excitement it was likely to make of popular passion;what means it was likely to put into the hands of the disaffected;-what temptation it was likely to offer to the clergy, and magistracy, and other subaltern officres in the state, to pursue a line of conduct marring their utility by injuring their respectability, and calculated to shake the foundation of religious and loyal sentiment in the land, by branding the peculiar promulgators of both with an odious character for power-serving, and discreditable violence.-These are the questions to which his Majesty's ministers were bound to give the greatest share of their attention, when it was first in agitation to adopt severe measures, tending to a public conflict, against the Queen. The private feelings of one of the parties are as nothing compared with

these great state considerations ;— and they are so obvious, and so palpable are the deductions from them, that no honest man of sound judgement can for a moment hesitate to pronounce, that ministers violated their duty, both to the throne and the public, when they consented to become the instruments of this most fatal attack on a woman, whose tastes and habits do not appear to be at all congenial to English notions of what is seemly,—but whose courage, sufferings, and ill-treatment have induced the people generally to consider her cause as one entitled to the support of generous feeling and the national magnanimity. And this conclusion, to which they have come, is a correct one, under all the circumstances of the case-however wild, absurd, and distasteful may be much of the matter mixed up with the popular support. The fault, here, is chiefly to be laid against those who have kindled this effervescence,―unwisely, if the measures that have been pursued by the administration are regarded in a public light, and unfairly if they are contemplated as emanating from irritated personal feeling. Every thing conspired to dictate abstinence and reserve on this unhappy subject: the private consciousness of the palace, the honour of the government, the tranquillity of the people. Suppose the Queen guilty of all laid to her charge; her crimes, as a wife, cannot fairly be considered before a public tribunal, but in connection with the treatment she has received as one; and though it would be deplorable that such an example of misconduct should escape with impunity, it would be ten times more honorable to the country that it should do so, than that England should present the spectacle of power taking advantage of the injuries it has inflicted, and overcoming, in the name of justice, a party towards whom it stood in the capacity of offender.

But such reflections are now aftertime: the mischief hath been effected, and this is surely of a more extensive and enduring nature than the moral and political constitution of the British common-wealth has ever before sustained. Never before has such deadly havoc been made amongst all the fences of external and titular dig