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Before her each with clamor pleads the laws,
cxxxv. — THE REPUBLIC.
1. BASIS OF OUR POLITICAL SYSTEM. — Geo. Washington. The basis of our political system is, the right of the people to make and to alter their constitutions of government; but, the constitution which at any time exists, till changed by an explicit and authentic act of the whole people, is sacredly obʼligatory upou all. The very idea of the power and the right of the people to establish government presupposes the duty of every individual to obey the established government. All obstructions to the execution of the laws, -all combinations and associations, under whatever plausible character, with the real design to direct, control, counteract, or awe, the regular deliberations and action of the constituted authorities, -are destructive of this fundamental principle, and of fatal tendency. They serve to organize faction, to give it an artificial and extraordinary force, to put in the place of the delegated will of the nation the will of party, often a small but artful and enterprising minority of the community; and, according to the alternate triumphs of different parties, to make the public administration the mirror of the ill-concerted and incongruous proj'ects of faction, rather than the organ of consistent and wholesome plans, digested by common counsels and modified by mutual interests.
2. A REPUBLIC THE STRONGEST GOVERNMENT. — Jefferson. I know, indeed, that some honest men fear that a republican government cannot be strong,— that this government is not strong enough. But would the honest patriot, in the full tide of suc. cessful experiment, abandon a government which has so far kept us free and firm, on the theoretic and visionary fear that this government — the world's best hope — may, by possibility, want energy to preserve itself? I trust not; I believe this, on the contrary, the stronge-i government on earth; I believe it the only one where every man, at the call of the law, would fly to
the standard of the law, and would meet invasions of the publio order as his own personal concern. Sometimes it is said that man cannot be trusted with the government of himself. Can he, then, be trusted with the government of others? or have we found angels, in the forms of kings, to govern him? Let history answer this question
3. The True Bond of UNION – Anarew Jackson. But the constitution cannot be maintained, nor the Union preserved, in opposition to the public feeling, by the mere exertion of the coërcive powers confided to the general government. The foundations must be laid in the affections of the people; in the security it gives to life, liberty, character, and property, in every quarter of the country; and in the fraternal attachment which the citizens of the several states bear to one another, as members of one political family, mutually contributing to promote the happiness of one another.
4. RELIGIOUS AND MENTAL CULTURE. — President Wayland.
A man who cannot read, let us always remember, is a being not contemplated by the genius:' of the American constitution. Where the right of suffrage is extended to all, he is certainly a dangerous member of the community who has not qualified himself to exercise it. We must go further; for you must be aware that the těnure by which our liberties are held can never be secure, unless moral keep pace with intellectual cultivation. If we would see the foundations laid broadly and deeply on which the fabric of this country's liberties shall rest to the remotest generations,- if we would see her carry forward the work of political reformation, and rise the bright and morning star of freedom over a benighted world, let us elevate the intellectual and moral character of every class of our citizens, and especially let us imbue them thoroughly with the principles of the Gospel of Jesus Christ.
5. OtR POLITICAL EXPERIMENT. - Wirt. The great argument of despots against free governments is, that large bodies of men are incapable of self-rule, and that the inevi. table and rapid tendency of such a government as ours is to faction, strife, anarchy, and dissolution. Let it be our effort to give to the expecting world a great practical and splendid refutation If this charge If we cannot do this, the world may despair, Tc what other nation can w:: look to do ité We cluim no natural superiority to other nations. But circumstances have conspired to give us an advantage, in making this great political experiment, which no other modern nation enjoys. If, therefore, our experiment shall fail, the world may well despair. Warned as we are by the taunts of European monarchists, and by the mournful example of all the ancient republics, are we willing to split on the same rock on which we have seen them shipwrecked ? trúlì' frufoto]l, the hricht honors that in heren.' water, a lake for calmness, a sea for extent, in which the fleets of the world might ride at anchor.
3. San Francisco will be the entrepôtel of nations, the emporium of the East and West. High prices, and the absorption of the people in gold-seeking, will long cause it to import everything, and the deficiency of wood and the want of coal will impede anything like manufactures; even her ships will for a long time be built in the harbors of the Atlantic. But her merchants
Turn will be the brokers, her halls the exchange, of the Pacific. to the map, and you will see the rare advantages of her position. The whole Pacific, with its countless isles, lies open to her enterprise; the Australian continent, and the realms of Hindõstan', will reciprocate her commerce; and the Golden Gate fronts the harbor of Canton' and the mouth of the Yang-tze-kiang, El the great artery of Chinese traffic.
4. Instead of the tedious route by the Cape of Good Hope, steam-vessels from California will carry the prod'uce of China, India, and the Isles, to the Isthmus of Dariën, and shorten by a half the voyage to Europe and Eastern America. The very winds and currents combine to favor the new region; and a vessel
" friself to the thvughts and the judgment of men. No physical
w nave most cause to dreau. It addresses force can arrest its progress. Its approaches are uite, bat its consequences are deeply felt. It enters garrisons ms, fortified, and operates in the palaces of kings and eniper
urcaçly should cherish this power, as essential to the preservaticn.of our
We government, and as the most efficient means of ameliorating the political condition of our race. And this can only be done by a reverence for the laws, and by the exercise of an elevated patrioie
7. The FABRIC OF OUR GOVERNMENT. — Webster. Of all the presumptions indulged by presumptuous man, that is one of the rashest which looks for repeated and favorable op. portunities for the deliberate establishment of a united governnent over distinct and widely-extended communities. Such a being has happened once in human affairs, and but once; the
speaking amid the threats and invectives of her hearers. The people were at that period permitted to take a fearful and leading part in the dialogue between the judges and accused; they even permitted persons on trial to address the court, or compelled their silence; the very verdict El rested with them.
2. Madame Roland heard herself sentenced to death with the air of one who saw in her condemnation merely her title to immortality. She rose, and, slightly bowing to her judges, said, with a bitter and ironical smile, “I thank you for considering me worthy to share the fate of the good and great men you have murdered!” She flew down the steps of the Conciergerie El with the rapid swiftness of a child about to obtain some long-desired object : the end and aim of her desires was death. As she passed along the corridor, where all the prisoners had assembled to greet her return, she looked at them smilingly, and, drawing her right hand across her throat, made a sign expressive of cutting off a head. This was her only farewell ; it was tragic as her destiny, joyous as her deliverance; and well was it understood by those who saw it. Many who were incapable of weeping for their own fate shed tears of unfeigned sorrow for hers.
3. On that day (November 10th, 1793) a greater number than usual of carts laden with victims rolled onward toward the scaffold. Madame Roland was placed in the last, beside an infirm old man, named Lamarche. She wore a white robe, as a symbol of her innocence, of which she was anxious to convince the people; her magnificent hair, black and glossy as a raven's wing, fell in thick masses almost to her knees; her complexion, purified by her long captivity, and now glowing under the influence of a sharp, frosty November day, bloomed with all the freshness of early youth. Her eyes were full of expression; her whole countenance seemed radiant with glory, while a movement between pity and contempt agitated her lips. A crowd followed them, uttering the coarsest threats and most revolting expressions. “ To the guillotine !El to the guillotine!” exclaimed the female part of the rabble.
4. “I am going to the guillotine,” replied Madame Roland; " a few moments and I shall be there; but those who send me thither will follow me ere long. I go innocent, but they will come stained with blood, and you who applaud our execution will then applaud theirs with equal zeal,” Sometimes she would turn away her head that she might not appear to hear the insults with which she was assailed, and would lean with almost filial tenderness over the aged partner of her execution. The poor old man wept bitterly, and she kindly and cheeringly encouraged him to bear up with firniness, and to suffer with resignation. She eveo
tried to enliven the dreary journey they were performing together by little attempts at cheerfulness, and at length succeeded in winning a smile from her fellow-sufferer.
5. A colossal statue of Liberty, composed of clay, like the liberty of the time, then stood in the middle of the Places de la Concorde, on the spot now occupied by the Obelisk; the scaffold was erected beside this statue. Upon arriving there, Madame Roland descended from the cart in which she had been conveyed. Just as the executioner had seized her arm to enable her to be the first to mount to the guillotine, she displayed an instance of that noble and tender consideration for others, which only a woman's heart could conceive, or put into practice at such a moment. “ Stay!" said she, momentarily resisting the man's grasp. “I have one only favor to ask, and that is not for myself; I beseech you grant it me.” Then, turning to the old man, she said, “ Do you precede me to the scaffold ; to see my blood flow would be making you suffer the bitterness of death twice over. I must spare you the pain of witnessing my punishment.” The executioner allowed this arrangement to be made.
6. With what sensibility and firmness must the mind have been imbued which could, at such a time, forget its own suffer. ings, to think only of saving one pang to an unknown old man ! and how clearly does this one little trait attest the heroic calmness with which this celebrated woman met her death! After the execution of Lamarche, which she witnessed without changing color, Madame Roland stepped lightly up to the scaffold, and, bowing before the statue of Liberty, as though to do homage to a power for whom she was about to die, exclaimed, “0, Liberty! Liberty ! how many crimes are committed in thy name !” She then resigned herself to the hands of the executioner, and in a few seconds her head fell into the basket placed to receive it.
CXXXVIII. — WHAT A COMMON MAN MAY SAY.
1. I am lodged in a house that affords me conveniences and comforts which even a king could not command ocme centuries ago. There are ships crossing the seas in every direction, some propelled by steam and some by the wind, to bring what is useful to me from all parts of the earth. In China, men are gathering the tea-ieaf for me; in the Southern States, they are planting cotton for me; in the West India Islands, and in Brazil, they are preparing my sugar and my coffee ; in Italy, they are feeding silk-worms for me ; at home, they are shearing sheep to make me