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In the payment of the debt of the United States to France, a portion of it was converted into supplies for the island of St. Domingo, then suffering under great calamities. This was done in response to the application of the French minister. This method of payment was agreeable to both debtor and creditor, was in accordance with the dictates of humanity, and was every way equitable in itself.

On the 23d of January, 1792, Mr. Giles proposed in Congress resolutions requiring information in reference to the various items connected with these loans. In his speech he insinuated charges of a serious nature against the Secretary of the Treasury. He intimated that a large balance of the moneys remained unaccounted for. The resolutions were agreed to, and in a short time Hamilton sent in his report containing full information in reference to all the points demanded. Foiled by the clearness and conclusiveness of the statements made and proved in this report, Mr. Giles changed his position. On the 27th February he offered another series of resolutions. He abandoned the charge that a balance remained unaccounted for; but condemned the Secretary for neglect of duty in violating the law of the 4th August, 1790, in deviating from the instructions of Washington in negotiating a loan at the bank while public moneys lay unappropriated in its vaults, and

with indecorum to the House, in presuming to censure its motives in the passage of the previous resolutions. A debate of great bitterness and fierceness ensued on the resolutions of Mr. Giles; but it terminated, as it must needs have done, in the rejection of all the resolutions, the highest number of representatives voting in their favor being only sixteen.

In 1793 the second term of Washington's administration commenced. Though anxious to retire from the heavy and thankless burden of public cares, he was prevented from doing so by the unanimously expressed wish of the nation. Mr. Adams of Massachusetts was selected Vice-President, in opposition to Governor George Clinton of New York. Mr. Hamilton was continued by the President in the office of Secretary of the Treasury.

One of the most prominent incidents connected with the second administration of Washington, was the short war between the United States and France. It grew out of the events connected with the war which had been proclaimed between France and England. The unfortunate Louis XVI. had expiated on the scaffold the crime of having been born the inheritor of the throne of the Bourbons, for of no other crime had he been guilty, whatever his predecessors might have done; and the French republic, then tumultuously seething under the insane guid

ance of the Jacobins, seemed determined to diffuse the evils of discord and war as far as possible among surrounding nations. The treaties which were then in existence between France and the United States, bound the latter by certain obligations, which, if strictly construed and carried out, would compel them to become a party to the war against England. To some extent this obligation was admitted; and money had been advanced to France to support the war. But the new government of that country seemed to be resolved upon extreme measures in every thing, and appeared determined to compel the United States to take a more decided stand, and to become a direct belligerent. It soon became apparent that vigorous preparations were being made to fit out privateers in American ports, to sail under French colors, for the purpose of plundering British commerce. This was carrying the interpretation of the existing treaties further than the President and his cabinet were disposed to permit.

Washington summoned a meeting of his cabinet for the purpose of deliberating on the matter. He submitted to them the questions-whether a proclamation of neutrality should be made; whether a resident minister from the French Republic should be received; whether a qualified or an absolute reception should be extended to him; and whether, under the existing circumstances of the two countries,

the guarantee to aid each other contained in the treaty of alliance was binding, and should be executed? In answer to these questions, the cabinet unanimously advised that a proclamation should be issued, forbidding the citizens of the United States to take part with either of the belligerents, and that a minister from the French Republic ought to be received. On the other points submitted, a diversity of sentiment existed in the cabinet. Jefferson and Randolph, the friends of extreme democracy, were in favor of an unqualified reception of the French minister. Hamilton and Knox, the representatives of the federal school, were opposed to the direct recognition of the existing government of France. They did not suppose that that government would be permanent; and they feared that its recognition by the United States would lead to difficulties with other European powers. They believed and held that the guarantees existing in the treaty with France had reference to a defensive war, and to that only.

In the present instance, contrary to his usual custom, Washington approved the sentiments of Jefferson and Randolph. A proclamation of neutrality was made, and the French ambassador was received with the same formalities, and on the same terms, with which the representatives of the defunct monarchy of the Bourbons had been welcomed.

CHAPTER XI.

GENERAL

THE AUTHORSHIP OF THE FEDERALIST-ITS RELATIVE POSITION IN AME-
RICAN LITERATURE-THE PERIOD OF ITS PUBLICATION-ITS
SCOPE AND PURPOSE-ITS SPECIFIO PARTS OR SUBDIVISIONS-ITS
GENERAL CONCLUSIONS AND RESULTS-ITS PECULIARITIES OF STYLE-
ITS CLEARNESS-BEAUTY-LOGICAL POWER-METAPHYSICAL PROFUN-
DITY-COLOSSAL THOUGHTS-ANTITHETICAL FORCE-EMPLOYS CONTRI-
BUTIONS AND ILLUSTRATIONS FROM EVERY DEPARTMENT OF SCIENCE-
INFLUENCE OF THE FEDERALIST ON AMERICAN AFFAIRS-ITS FOREIGN
FAME AND INFLUENCE-ITS FUTURE CONSERVATIVE INFLUENCE ON THE
AMERICAN UNION.

A BRIEF examination of the peculiar characteristics of the Federalist may here be both appropriate and useful, in enabling us to form a clearer and more impartial estimate of the intellectual qualities and the political sentiments of the subject of this memoir. In speaking of the Federalist in this connection, we only refer to that part of it of which Hamilton was the acknowledged author, and which indeed constitutes much the largest portion of the whole work. The contributions of Jay were of but little consequence; and although those of Madison were more numerous and extensive than his, yet they were not sufficiently ample to impress upon the entire work the distinctive character and elements

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